The ACADIANS of LOUISIANA: A Synthesis [work in progress]

 

BOOK TWO:        British Nova Scotia and the French Maritimes

BOOK THREE:     The Great Upheaval

BOOK FOUR:       French Louisiana

BOOK FIVE:         A New Acadia

BOOK SIX:           The Bayou State

BOOK ONE:  French Acadia

 

European Exploitation of a New World

For generations in Western classrooms, the usual place to begin the story of the founding of Europe's New World is with the commercial revolution that swept through the continent following the great Crusades.  In 1095, Pope Urban II stood before a council of bishops at Clermont in France and preached the First Crusade.  The pontiff had learned from the emperor of the Eastern Roman Empire that a new breed of infidel, the Seljuk Turks, had seized the Holy Land and refused to allow Christian pilgrims to visit the Holy Places.  He urged the warriors of Christendom to strap on their swords, take up the cross of their crucified Redeemer, and hurry to the Holy Land to drive these Muslim infidels from Jerusalem.  The knights of France and other Christian kingdoms took up the papal challenge, and four years later the Holy City fell to them in an orgy of blood and righteousness.

These Christian knights fought the Muslims of the Holy Land for material as well as spiritual gain.  As they conquered the great cities of the eastern Mediterranean, they created European feudal states to satisfy their lust for more territory.  For two centuries they clung tenaciously to their principalities in the Middle East, but the Muslims refused to let them be.  By the 1200s, as the Christians gradually lost their grip on the eastern Mediterranean, the Italian merchants who had provided them supplies and transportation for their crusading expeditions had opened a lucrative trade between southwestern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean.  By the 1300s, despite the loss of the Holy Land to the tenacious Muslims, Europe was benefiting materially and intellectually from the crusading effort.  The Italian city-states of Genoa, Pisa, and Venice exploited the Mediterranean trade routes that had not seen so much use since Roman times.  New ideas as well as new products flowed through the ports of Italy and southern France, igniting a Renaissance of art and ideas that transformed parochial Europe.  Put off by Turkish dominance of the eastern Mediterranean, the Italians, especially the Genoese, opened new trade routes via the Strait of Gibraltar with northwestern Europe.  The exploits of Venetian merchant Marco Polo, widely circulated among western literati a century before the invention of the printing press, turned European eyes towards the distant Orient, which some fancied could be reached by sailing west. 

Meanwhile, the crusading spirit compelled two Christian kingdoms in a once obscure corner of Europe to move southward towards the gold fields of west Africa.  In the late 1300s, the Portuguese began the conquest of the Canary Islands off the coast of Africa.  The natives, called the Guanche, who had inhabited the island for thousands of years, fought desperately to preserve their way of life, but island after island fell to the determined invaders, who used the Guanche as slaves on profitable sugar plantations.  In the mid-1400s, the Castilians drove the Portuguese from the islands and continued the conquest of the Guanche.  By the end of the century, most of the Canaries belonged to Castile.  Eventually, Spanish-speaking natives of the Canaries came to be called Isleños

The Portuguese, encouraged by their king’s brother, Prince Henry the Navigator, turned their attention to other islands off the African coast--the Azores, Madeira, and Cape Verdes--thereby thrusting their economic and strategic interests deeper into the Atlantic.  On Madeira, they established more sugar plantations, worked by slave labor.  Meanwhile, with the cooperation of local rulers, they established fortified trading posts along the coast of northwest Africa, moving steadily southward towards the equatorial zone and the prosperous kingdom of Benin.  What they found in their exploitation of the African coast proved to be more compelling even than pagan souls—gold, ivory, jewels, pepper, fish ... and more slaves.  Their ultimate prize, however, would be a spice trade with the Orient via a route around Africa that would effectively outflank the Muslims of east Africa.  In late 1487, the Portuguese navigator Bartolomeu Dias, Prince Henry's great-nephew, rounded the Cape of Good Hope at the southern end of Africa and noted that the coast beyond the cape stretched away to the northeast.  A decade later, Vasco da Gama repeated Dias's voyage, used the winds and currents of the South Atlantic to propel him into the Indian Ocean, and, after a long and sometimes difficult voyage, returned to Portugal with a cargo of precious Indian spices.  The Portuguese now claimed an all-water route to unprecedented wealth and power. 

It was an obscure Italian with a bold idea who brought Iberian exploitation of the Atlantic world to an entirely new level.  Cristoforo Colombo was born in Genoa in 1451, the son of a weaver who lost his boy to the lure of the sea.  Young Columbus, as we know him, worked in the merchant fleet of his native city and then switched his allegiance to Portugal.  Sometime in the late 1480s, after carefully (mis)calculating the circumference of the earth, and inspired by his fellow Italian, Marco Polo, Columbus conceived his great plan—to sail due westward and reach the Indies by crossing the Atlantic Ocean.  He was confident that his skills at navigation and command could overcome all obstacles he would surely encounter in this dangerous voyage, which would give Portugal a much shorter route to the spices, as well as the unconverted souls, of Asia.  He presented his idea to his Portuguese masters, but a maritime commission rejected his calculations and refused to entrust a fleet to him.  Undaunted, he moved to France, England, and then to Spain but met similar rejection there.  He refused to give up and eventually sold his idea to Queen Isabella of Castile, who, with her husband, King Ferdinand of Aragon, had just conquered the Moors and established a degree of domestic tranquility within their kingdoms.  Christian Spain was ready, Isabella believed, to compete in the Eastern trade and to bring the Asians to Christianity.  So Columbus became the admiral of a fleet of three ships which set sail from the Canary Islands via Palos in the late summer of 1492.  Two months later, on the sandy beach of San Salvador, in the present-day Bahamas, the history of the world was profoundly changed when Columbus reached "the Indies."  Though Columbus himself never acknowledged the existence of the "New World" he had stumbled upon, others did.  Spanish conquistadors exploited Columbus’s "discovery," and by the mid 1500s, gold and silver from America, as the New World came to be called, transformed Spain into the most powerful kingdom in Europe.

The Portuguese came upon "the Indies" in 1500 when Pedro Álvares Cabral, on his way to India with a fleet of his own to duplicate da Gama’s voyage, landed on the coast of the Land of Parrots, present-day Brazil.  The papal Treaty of Tordesillas six years earlier had awarded Portugal that part of the Atlantic realm east of a certain line of longitude down the middle of the ocean.  The place where Cabral landed and which he promptly claimed for Portugal stood east of the treaty line.  So even the Portuguese now had claims to exploit in what Europeans soon realized was a mundus novus.01

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Meanwhile, another Italian navigator, Giovanni Caboto Montecataluna--John Cabot as he came to be called--went, like Columbus, to several kingdoms in search of a ship to explore the Atlantic.  After soliciting in Spain and Portugal, the Venetian native moved to Bristol, England.  In 1496, he and an Italian sponsor coaxed King Henry VII into authorizing a voyage to the northern ocean.  Cabot's choice of Bristol was no accident; since 1478, when the English were expelled from the Icelandic cod-fishing grounds, sailors from the port had ventured into the ocean west of Ireland in search of the mythical island of Brazil, from which they hoped to resurrect their lucrative cod-fishery.  Sailing from Bristol in early April 1497 with a crew of 18, perhaps including his 14-year-old son Sebastian, Cabot sailed past Ireland but then turned northwestward.  He reached terra firma at present-day Newfoundland in late June; he and his crew likely were the first Europeans to set eyes on the place since the Norse abandoned their settlements there centuries before.  Nearby was a colossal fishing ground with what appeared to be a limitless supply of cod, perhaps his most important discovery.  Cabot explored the coast southward, perhaps encountering natives on today's Cape Breton Island.  He and his crew may have been the first Europeans to visit what came to be called "the English cape."  Despite its great significance, Cabot's voyage was a brief one; he was back at Bristol by August to report what he had found.  The following spring, with Henry VII's sanction, Cabot set out again from Bristol, this time with five ships.  His goal was to cross the "British Ocean" to "Cipango," a spice-producing region of the Indies sought by Columbus.  Cabot hoped to establish an English colony there, which of course he failed to do.  He and the Bristolians soon were joined by explorers from the south.  In 1500, Joao Fernandes, a lavrador, or "farmer," from Terceira in the Azores and his neighbor, Pedro de Barcelos, with the sanction of King Manuel of Portugal, "rediscovered" Greenland, the southern tip of which took the Labrador's name before it was applied to another coast.  No doubt to the chagrin of King Manuel, Fernandes's return voyage took him not to the Azores but to Bristol, England.  With a joint Portuguese-English expedition out of that port, Fernandes returned to the northern climes in the spring of 1501, the expedition's ship captained by John Cabot himself.  Both Fernandes and Cabot may have been lost on the venture; only three of the Bristolians returned.  No matter, King Henry VII authorized another joint English-Portuguese expedition to Greenland in 1503.  Meanwhile, Sebastian Cabot, like his father, became a noted mariner.  In 1507-09, during the final days of Henry VII's reign, Sebastian, while looking for the northern passage to Asia, explored the waters where he and his father had gone the decade before; it was Sebastian, in fact, who named Newfoundland Riuo de los Bacalaos, or Land of the Cod.  The sea ice, however, frustrated his attempts to find the elusive passage to Asia.  No matter, the English now possessed an early claim to the North Atlantic regions.  Except for the fishing, however, the coasts the Cabots and the Bristolians had explored did not seem to possess the potential for exploitation as did the Iberian discoveries to the south.  England, under a new king, hesitated, and Spain and Portugal became the early winners in the imperial competition for the Americas.285 

After learning of John Cabot's voyage to the northern ocean, King Manuel was determined to overawe the English in a region reserved by treaty for his nation alone.  In the spring of 1500, the year of the lavrador's voyage, Gaspar Corte Real, whose venture also was approved by King Manuel, sailed out of Lisbon with a single vessel and explored the coast of Greenland.  On a second voyage beginning in May 1501, with three ships this time, also out of Lisbon, Gaspar explored the northern and eastern coasts of Newfoundland, which he named Terra Verde, or Greenland.  Corte Real sent two of his ships back to Lisbon with 57 natives aboard, either Béothuk or Mi'kmaq, who were sold as slaves in Portugal perhaps to pay for the cost of the voyage.  Meanwhile, Corte Real lingered in the third vessel to explore more of the mysterious coast, but he and his ship did not return.  In May 1502, Miguel Corte Real, in search of brother Gaspar, also set sail from Lisbon with three vessels, but he, too, along with his ships, failed to return.  The following year, King Manuel sent out two vessels to find the brothers, but his mariners found no sign of them.  The loss of the Corte Reals, as well as the financial cost of their failed expeditions, ended sanctioned voyages by the Portuguese to the northern ocean.  During the early 1520s, however, Portuguese fisherman Joao Álvares Fagundes sailed along the eastern and southern coasts of Newfoundland, where he discovered new cod-fishing grounds and established new fisheries.  Among his discoveries were the "Islands of the 11,000 Virgins," today's îles St.-Pierre and Miquelon, 16 miles south of Newfoundland's Burin Peninsula; he encountered the islands on St. Ursula's Day and named them for her virgin companions.  He may also have explored parts of today's Gulf of St. Lawrence, west of the Island of 11,000 Virgins.  On a later voyage, probably in 1521, he likely established a short-lived colony near Cape Breton or on the Atlantic coast of Nova Scotia, and sailed around to the mouth of today's Bay of Fundy, perhaps the first European to view that body of water.286 

Historian Bernard G. Hoffman, a student of early American cartography, reminds us:  "The European image of North America actually seems to have developed through a process of slow and painful accretion, with many maps representing abortive efforts to synthesize logical configurations out of fragmentary and confusing information.  This seems to have been particularly true in the Newfoundland area, where a combination of rugged and complex coastlines, persistent fogbanks, and dangerous ice conditions caused the loss of many expeditions and kept the cartographers baffled for over a century."286a

If one were to award the true "discoverers" of the northern regions, however, of its size, its intricate configuration, its economic importance, the prize must go not to royally-sanctioned explorers but to the fishermen, whalers, and seal-hunters who ventured to the other side of the North Atlantic soon after the voyages of the Cabots and the Corte Reals.  Basques, Bretons, Normans, Englishmen from the West Country, Dutchmen, Danes, Norwegians, Spaniards, as well as Portuguese--thousands of them ventured across the dangerous ocean to exploit the Grand Bank of Newfoundland.  "Together the whale and cod fisheries involved an annual trans-Atlantic migration of hundreds of ships and thousands of men," a Canadian historian tells us.  "Less spectacular than Spanish activities in the Caribbean, Mexico, and Peru, the fisheries in the northwestern Atlantic involved more ships and men."  By the 1550s, cod fishermen from northern France had perfected the wet or green fishery, which allowed them to fish the offshore banks early in the season, salt the cod in their holds, and return to their home ports to dry the fish without having to make landfall in America except briefly for fresh water or repairs.  But more extensively, and more importantly to our story, the cod fishermen developed the inshore or dry fishery for the southern European and West Indian markets.  This required them to build drying and salting stations on wide beaches close to the fishing grounds.  Contact with the natives was inevitable, as was the exchange of goods and microorganisms.  And, just as inevitably, blood was spilled.  The construction of the drying and salting stations required use of local lumber resources.  Typical of Europeans, this activity "was carried on with the greatest of waste, the woods along the shore being 'so spoyled by the fishermen that it is a great pity to behold them, and without redresse undoubtedly (it) will be the ruine of this good land.  For they wastefully barke, fell and leave more wood behinde them to rot then they use about their stages although they imploy a world of wood upon them.'  To add to the destruction," Professor Hoffman continues, "the fishermen occasionally fired the woods near the harbours to clear the land, the resulting conflagrations burning for weeks.  The burned-over areas eventually may have provided the natives with berry patches, but the process would not have had favourable results for the fauna."  Such abuse of the land drove many of the natives to violence.  The fishermen seldom used them in their labor-intensive drying operations, which began in spring and lasted through the summer, but they found a secondary market in trading for the clothing which had kept the natives warm all winter.  "Both parties profited," Canadian archaeologist John S. Erskine tells us.  "Cast-off beaver cloaks, sodden from the bear-grease underwear of winter, were in great demand by hatters."  This trade, like exposure to European diseases and wastefulness, transformed Indian life permanently and profoundly, and would come to rival fishing and whaling in economic importance to the Europeans.287

France in the New World

The French conducted early voyages of their own to the European mundus novus.  In 1503-04, Binot Paulmier de Gonneville visited Brazil, claimed by the Portuguese following Cabral's voyage.  In 1506, Jean Denys of Honfleur ventured to Newfoundland, where the English and the Portuguese already had gone, and explored parts of today's Gulf of St. Lawrence.  A few years later, in 1508, the ship Pensée, owned by Jean Ango of Dieppe and captained by Thomas Aubert, sailed to the coasts of Labrador and Newfoundland; emulating Columbus and Corte Real, Aubert "brought back from there some of the Natives, whom he exhibited to the wonder and applause of France."  According to regional records, a ship out of Dahouet, now Pléneuf, La Jaquette, "had gone to Rouen in September of 1510 to 'sell the codfish which they had been searching and fishing for in parts of the New Land.'"  A court decree three years later pardoned the mate of La Jacquette for causing "the death of a member of the crew by chasing him overboard during a dispute over wages," so that vessel may still have been fishing off the coast of Newfoundland.  In 1518, Guillaume de Miremont III, baron de Lhéry et Gueux "made an abortive attempt at settlement on Sable Island," off the coast of Nova Scotia, "where the cattle left by him remained and multiplied."  The baron also left his swine there.  A ship belonging to the three Parmentier brothers of Dieppe ventured to Newfoundland in 1520 and discovered an island they called Fernanbourg near Cape Breton.  The following year, Michel de Segure and Mathieu de Biran of Bayonne petitioned the authorities of that port to take their vessel to Newfoundland.  But none of these ventures was sanctioned by the nation's monarchs, Louis XII and François I.02c 

Except for its sturdy fishermen, then, France was a relative late comer to the competition for America’s riches.  "The Atlantic trade, except for a few piratical captains, was largely abandoned to the Iberians," a student of colonial France explains.  "The French crown prized far more the traditional Mediterranean trade with the Near East, and the enterprising Spaniards and Portuguese moved quickly to protect their tenuous Atlantic commercial advantage."  Papal interference also was a factor in French reluctance to exploit the Americas.  The papal bulls of Alexander VI--Inter caetera, issued on 4 May 1493, and Dudum siquidem on 28 September 1493, ratified the following year by the Treaty of Tordesillas in Spain--divided the Atlantic world between the Iberian powers, not only for settlement and trade, but also for exploration.  Although the papal interdiction was generally ignored, France was not eager to test Iberian resolve in enforcing their claims in the New World, including the North Atlantic.02a 

Not until the early 1520s did a French monarch, François I, authorize a voyage of discovery to America.  Yet another Italian navigator, Giovanni da Verrazzano of Florence, residing at Dieppe since 1506, was charged with exploring the coast of North America to find a passage to Asia.  The Florentine may already have gone to the northern ocean aboard the Pensée with Thomas Aubert in 1508.  Verrazzano certainly had sailed throughout the eastern Mediterranean and had lived in Cairo, Egypt, for a time, so he was a good choice to lead an expedition into exotic lands yet unexplored.  By the time he solicited King François for an expedition to the northern ocean and acquired financing for the voyage from the silk merchants of Lyon, it was well known from the voyages of Vespucci, Columbus, Magellan, and others that a land mass south and west of the Antilles blocked further passage to Asia.  However, little to nothing was known of the land between the Antilles and Cape Breton.  Recently, the Portuguese Fegundes had explored some of the region south and west of the English cape, but no one knew how far south lay Florida, which had been discovered by the Spanish in the 1510s.  It was entirely possible, then, that a passage to Asia could be found along the littoral between Florida and Newfoundland.02u

Verrazzano first attempted to reach Newfoundland in four vessels by sailing from Dieppe directly across the northern ocean in late 1523, but foul weather forced him back to France after the loss of two ships.  With the two ships that had survived the first effort--his own caravel, La Dauphine, and La Normandie--and risking confrontation with the Spanish or the Portuguese, Verrazzano sailed from Brittany south past the Spanish coast to the Madeiras, seeking calmer weather.  The Normandie was forced to return home, but, in mid-January 1524, Verrazzano sailed west in La Dauphine with a Norman crew of 50.  After surviving a mid-Atlantic tempest in late February, he and his crew reached the area of present-day Cape Fear, North Carolina, in early March.  After exploring the coast south of the cape in search of good harbor, they feared making contact with the Spanish and so returned to the area of their original landfall, which Verrazzano named Annunciata, or "the day of arrival."  There they made contact with the local natives, who Verrazzano described later in great detail.  He concluded that today's Pamlico Sound was the eastern edge of the Pacific Ocean, which Magellan had crossed a few years before.  Failing to find a westward passage near the edge of Magellan's ocean, Verrazzano and his crew followed the coast northward, still determined to find the passage to Asia, and charted the littoral all the way up to the Grand Bank of Newfoundland.  Near the entrance to Chesapeake Bay, they again made contact with the natives.  Verrazzano called the area "Arcadia," such was its transcendent beauty.  Sailing past the entrances to both the Chesapeake and Delaware bays, they explored the narrows at the entrance to today's New York harbor, where they encountered the Lenape, but before they could explore the harbor and the great river that flowed into it, perhaps the elusive passage to Asia, a storm drove them out to sea.  After rounding today's Long Island, they explored Narragansett Bay, which Verrazzano called Refugio.  During their 15-day sojourn there, he and his men encountered the Wampanoag.  Sailing farther up the coast, Verrazzano called today's Cape Cod the Shoals of Armellino.  Near the mouth of the Kennebec River in present-day Maine, he and his men came to the Land of Bad People, who treated the Europeans with a disdainful contempt they had not observed in the other Indians.  Farther up the coast, like the Portuguese Fagundes a few years before, but from a different direction, they sailed past the mouth of the Bay of Fundy and along the coast of peninsula Nova Scotia.  In the final leg of the voyage, they rounded the English cape and the east coast of Newfoundland, where they knew that many others had gone before.  All they had seen Verrazzano named Francesco, after King François, but the name did not stick; it later was called Nova Gallia--New France.  Although he had failed to find a passage to Asia, Verrazzano--and with him, the world--could see that "the 'New World ... is connected together, not adjoining Asia or Africa (which I know to be a certainty.)'"  From Newfoundland, Verrazzano crossed the northern ocean, successfully this time, and returned to Dieppe by early July, having departed the Madeiras six months earlier.02d

Professor Hoffman concludes:  "Viewed in perspective, Verrazzano's achievement stands as an important one.  He was the first to explore the gap between the Spanish ventures to the south and the English" and Portuguese "enterprises to the north; he was the first to establish the continental nature of the 'New Founde Land'; and he was the first commander to bring back anything resembling a detailed account of the natives of North America.  For his time this was a tremendous accomplishment."02e

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Before the French could exploit Verrazzano's discoveries, however, the Spanish attempted a settlement at the southern end of Verrazzano's exploration.  Here was a region the Spanish called Florida, which they had discovered and explored in the 1510s.  With information obtained during the early 1520s from the voyages of Francisco Gordillo and slave-trader Pedro de Quejo to the area called Chicora, sugar planter Lucas Vásquez de Ayllón of Santo Domingo sailed northward from Hispaniola along the Florida coast in the summer of 1526.  With him were 600 colonists, including African slaves, a hundred horses, shiploads of provisions, and livestock, to be settled on a grant of land awarded to de Ayllón by Emperor Charles V, who also was King Carlos I of Spain.  Also in the expedition was a captured Chicora native, who served as the expedition's interpreter and guide; Francisco, as the Spanish called him, had been taken to Spain to be examined by scholars and learned to speak Spanish fluently.  On September 29, the Feast of the Archangels, de Ayllón's expedition landed at Winyah Bay, near today's Georgetown, South Carolina, the gateway to Chicora.  After searching the area northward to present-day Pawleys Island, during which Francisco escaped to his people, de Ayllón lost a ship in Winyah Bay, which prompted him to head back down the coast to find a more suitable site for settlement.  Some of his men traveled overland, others by water.  During the first week of October, the parties united at Sapelo Sound on today's central Georgia coast.  There, on October 8, they began construction of the short-lived settlement of San Miguel de Gualdape.  While the settlement was being built, de Ayllón died.  The loss of their leader, squabbling among the remaining leaders, hunger, disease, a shortage of supplies, the hostility of the local natives, and a slave revolt, forced the survivors--only 150 of the original 600--to abandon the settlement.  In January 1527, only three months after the enterprise was launched, a flotilla under Francisco Gômez returned them to Hispaniola.02b 

Meanwhile, in 1525, Spanish mariner Estevan Gômez, searching for the passage to Asia, crossed the Atlantic and made landfall near present-day Casco Bay on the coast of Maine; he called it the Bayo de San Antonio.  While exploring up the coast as far as the mouth of the Bay of Fundy, he "discovered" the Penobscot, which the Indians called the Pentagouët and he called the Deer River.  Here, he hoped, was the passage to Asia and perhaps Norumbega, the fabled city of gold, which supposedly lay somewhere near the 45th degree of north latitude.  His ascent of the Deer River to its head of navigation proved a disappointment.  After kidnapping some of the local natives, he returned to the Atlantic and continued sailing northeastward, to the southwestern end of today's Nova Scotia, which he mistook for an island; he called it San Juan.  Turning back to the mainland, he followed Verrazzano's route in reverse, sailed past the Atlantic shore of the Florida peninsula, on to the West Indies, and back to Spain.02v  

Spain's first attempt to settle North America was a dismal failure, and Gomez's 10-month search for the northern passage added nothing to Spanish hegemony.  The way was now open for other nations to exploit their claims in the region.

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In 1532, eight years after Verrazzano's voyage and two years before Brittany was formally united with France, King François I, still the French ruler, made a pilgrimage to the seaside monastery of Mont-St.-Michel, near the border of Normandy and Brittany.  Jean Le Veneur, Grand Almoner of the kingdom, Bishop of St.-Malo, and the abbot at Mont-St.-Michel, introduced the King to the Breton navigator, Jacques Cartier of St.-Malo, then 41 years of age.  Le Veneur informed the King that Cartier was a relative of the bursar at Mont-St.-Michel and had sailed to Newfoundland and Brazil, proof of his abilities as a trans-oceanic navigator.  The bishop promised the King that if he sent Cartier to America, the bishop would provide chaplains, as well as funds, for the venture.  Two years later, François commissioned Cartier "Captain and Pilot for the King" and ordered him to return to North America.  His primary mission would be to search for "gold and other precious things," as well as the elusive passage to Asia.  According to Cartier biographer Marcel Trudel, the account of his voyage "mentions no priest engaged in evangelization among the natives," so conversion of the "savages" evidently was not a goal of the expedition.  Trudel continues:  "it would moreover have been useless, because of the linguistic barrier.  Although the ship's muster-roll has not been found, one may surmise that at least one priest was on board; when Bishop Le Veneur had proposed Cartier he had undertaken to supply the chaplains, and the account of the voyage alludes to the singing of masses."  In all other respects, however, this expedition, like Verrazano's a decade before, was motivated by secular interests.02q 

Cartier left St.-Malo on 20 April 1534 "with two ships of about sixty tons' burden each and with a total of sixty-one men," and reached Cape Bonavista, on the east coast of Newfoundland, on May 10, an amazingly short voyage in time.  After a brief rest and refitting, during which he noted the many fishing vessels in the area from a number of regions in Europe, the expedition headed north and then west, to the Baie-des-Châteaux, also called Le Grand Baye, today's Strait of Belle-Isle, which separates Newfoundland from Labrador.  Passing through the strait, on June 12 or 13 he encountered his first natives at Brest, a water-and-wood depot for cod fishermen on the southern coast of Labrador.  These likely were Beothuks who had come to the shore to hunt for seals and walruses.  A hundred miles to the west of the strait, while coasting along the north shore of today's Gulf of St. Lawrence, Cartier encountered a fishing boat from La Rochelle, evidently lost, and directed it back towards the North Atlantic.  "Cartier was not yet in a totally unknown world," Trudel reminds us, "but he freely assigned names to the geographical features of the north coast:  Île Sainte-Catherine; Toutes-Isles; Havre Saint-Antoine; Havre Saint-Servan where he set up his first cross; Rivière Saint-Jacques; Havre Jacques-Cartier."  Nowhere did he see land worth settling upon, nor evidence of mineral wealth, nor anything of value.  "'I did not see one cart-load of earth,'" he complained in his report, "' it was the land God gave to Cain.'"  On June 15, he steered southward and soon encountered the northwest coast of Newfoundland.  On the first leg of what would prove to be a grand circuit of the gulf, he sailed down the coast of Newfoundland to present-day Cabot Strait, which he did not detect as a passage back to the Atlantic.  He turned west into the gulf and set up another cross on Île Brion, which he noted was more fertile than anything he had seen along the west coast of Newfoundland.  On June 26, he reached what he called the Araines, today's Îles-de-la-Madeleine, and assumed that here was the beginning of a mainland.  Three days later, he coasted the northwest shore of today's Prince Edward Island and thought it, too, was part of the mainland.   Around the first of July, he and his men spotted more natives, this time off the coast of Prince Edward Island, but they made no contact with them.  Cartier then turned north to explore an actual mainland--the eastern coast of today's New Brunswick.  He inspected each of the small bays along that shore, including Miramichi, and found them disappointing as possible passages to Asia.  He and his men, now, were the first Europeans to lay eyes on any of these places.02g 

At the mouth of what the natives called Mechsamecht, today's Baie des Chaleurs, which the French named for its unusually tepid waters, Cartier dubbed the southern tip of land there Cap d'Espérance, "'for the hope we had of finding here a strait'" that led to Asia.  For nearly a week, from July 4 to 9, he investigated the bay all the way up to the river that formed its head, today's Restigouche.  On July 7, along the north shore of the bay, one of his long-boats encountered "two 'fleets' totaling 'forty or fifty canoes'" manned by natives whom Cartier called the Toudamans, an Algonquin-speaking people who called themselves the Mi'kmaq.  Canoes full of them, shouting and gesturing in apparent glee, eager to trade, tried to make contact with the boatload of Frenchmen who had suddenly appeared in their country.  Fearing their numbers, and unsure of their intent, Cartier's men drove the screaming natives away with cannon and musketry, which they fired discreetly over their heads.  The next day, however, back in the safety of their ships, Cartier sanctioned contact between his crewmen and the natives.  The Mi'kmaq at "first offered strips of seal meat, but ended up stark naked after trading away their clothes," which they happily exchanged for metal implements.  After exploring deep into the warm-water bay and seeing that it was not the passage to Asia, Cartier and his men encountered even more natives along the bay shore, including women and children this time; again, the Frenchmen exchanged "hatchets, knives, beads and other wares" for the natives' fur.  Here was the first "official" contact between the French and the Mi'kmaq, though for years members of the tribe had been encountering Breton and Norman fishermen drying their catch along the Atlantic shore.  How else would they have known that these French explorers would be eager to trade with them for their winter clothes?  Cartier made note of the basic Mi'kmaq way of life.  They "'go from place to place maintaining themselves and catching fish in the fishing season for food," he wrote in his report of the voyage.  Impressed with the tribe's friendliness, especially of its women, some of whom "'advanced freely towards us and rubbed our arms with their hands,'" Cartier made a prescient prediction:  "'I am more than ever of opinion,'' he wrote, "'that these people would be easy to convert to our holy faith.'"02f 

Continuing north along the coast of today's Gaspé peninsula, which Cartier called Honguedo, his ships reached the Baie de Gaspé in mid-July and anchored there to wait out the fog and mist that enveloped the coast.  Farther up, in present-day Gaspé harbor, they were compelled to wait until late in the month for the weather to improve.  There they encountered other natives, in even more impressive numbers; Cartier estimated more than 300 of them gathered around the harbor.  These natives were not Mi'kmaq but Laurentian Iroquois.  Cartier observed that they had come to the area from an inland country to fish for tinker mackerel, "'of which there is great abundance.'"  Again, there was much trading and commiseration between Frenchman and Indian.  Cartier, the world traveler, described the natives' dress and their itinerant lifestyle in great detail:  "This people may well be called savage; for they are the sorriest folk there can be in the world, and the whole lot of them had not anything above the value of five sous, their canoes and fishing-nets excepted.  They go quite naked, except for a small skin, with which they cover their privy parts, and for a few old furs which they throw over their shoulders.  They are not at all of the same race or language as the first we met.  They have their heads shaved all around in circles, except for a tuft on the top of the head, which they leave long like a horse's tail.  This they do up upon their heads and tie in a knot with leather thongs.  They have no other dwelling but their canoes, which they turn upside down and sleep on the ground underneath.  They eat their meat almost raw, only warming it a little on the coals; and the same with their fish.'"  When Cartier and his men left their ships and went ashore to walk freely among the natives, "'At this they showed great joy, and the men all began to sing and dance in two or three groups, exhibiting signs of great pleasure at our coming.  But they made all the young women retire into the woods, except two or three who remained, to whom we gave each a comb and a little tin bell, at which they showed great pleasure, thanking the captain by rubbing his arms and his breast with their hands.  And the men, seeing we had given something to the women that had remained, made those come back who had fled to the woods, in order to receive the same as the others.  These, who numbered some twenty, crowded about the captain and rubbed him with their hands, which is their way of showing welcome.  He gave them each a little tin ring of small value; and at once they assembled together in a group to dance; and sang several songs.'"  Cartier also described the natives' great haul of mackerel and the hempen nets in which they were caught.  He noted that "'they only come down to the sea in the fishing-season, as I have been give to understand.'"  He described their Indian corn, their beans, and especially their fruit, which, like Europeans, they dried for the winter; these included plums, figs, pears, apples, as well as nuts.  In turn, the natives demonstrated how they planted and cooked their corn, which they grew "'in the country where they ordinarily reside.'"  Cartier observed that "They never eat anything that has a taste of salt in it.'"  He transcribed the words they used for objects such as hatchet, knife, corn, beans, nuts, and apples; he even recorded the word they used to say we "have none of it and know not what it is.'"  Misunderstanding the natives' cultural imperative that everything of value must be shared, the Frenchman added:  "'They are wonderful thieves and steal everything they can carry off.'"02h

Before departing Gaspé, Cartier and his men erected a 30-foot cross at the entrance to the harbor, today's Penouille Point.  The cross bore the royal coat of arms and the inscription, "Vive Le Roy de France."  The Iroquois chief, Donnacona, perceived not only the cross, but the ceremony accompanying its erection, as a provocation against himself and his people.  From a canoe which held one of his brothers and three of his sons, the chief harangued the Frenchmen for erecting the thing without his permission.  Cartier insisted that the cross was nothing more than a convenient marker to allow them to return to this very harbor.  In a Columbus-like gesture, the Frenchmen lured Donnacona and his entourage aboard one of his vessels.  Cartier implored two of the sons, Taignoagny and Domagaya, to remain with him as interpreters.  Donnacona at first demurred but, after much "feasting," consented to release his sons if Cartier agreed to return them with European goods to trade.  To further insure that he would see his sons again, Donnacona agreed to an alliance between his people and the French.  On July 25, with the chief's sons in tow, Cartier sailed east-northeast to what he called l'Assumption and the Indians called Naticousti, today's Anticosti Island, not realizing that he was crossing the estuary of the great river that could have taken him deep into the country of the Laurentian Iroquois.  He circumnavigated l'Assumption first southeastward and then northwestward and judged it to be a peninsula.  From August 1 to 5, "he tried to find out whether he was in a bay or a waterway," but his efforts could not solve the dilemma.  The heavy tides of "le destroyt St. Pierre," today's St. Peter's Strait, as well as foul weather, discouraged him from exploring farther.  If he had continued sailing westward along the "peninsula," he would have entered the estuary of the same great river that had eluded him on his way up to l'Assumption.  Instead, he turned eastward and found himself sailing along another desolate shore.  He encountered more natives at what he called "le cap Thiennot," entered open water, and found himself back at the west coast of Newfoundland, which he reached on August 8.  He had completed a circuit of an impressive body of water but had found no passage to Asia.  After following the coast back through the Strait of Belle-Isle, he turned his little fleet into the North Atlantic.  He returned to St.-Malo on September 5, having left that port only four and a half months before.  Aboard his vessels were no chests of gold, silver, or gems, which doubtlessly disappointed the King and his investors, but his cargo of furs may have caught the attention of the men who controlled the nation's hatters' guilds.02i

King François agreed that Cartier's expedition was a qualified success and that he should make a second voyage back to Le Grand Baye.  The King invested 3,000 livres out of the royal treasury to help finance the undertaking.  Cartier's commission was approved in late October and presented to him at St.-Malo in February 1535.  Again, there was no mandate to convert the "savages," only to find the northern passage and mines of precious metals.  He was ready to sail by May 19, this time with three vessels:  the Grande Hermine, his flag vessel, under Thomas Fromont; the Petite Hermine, under Macé Jalobert, Cartier's brother-in-law; and the Érmérillon, a barque, under Guillaume Le Breton Bastille, who may have been a secular priest.  Cartier's crews now numbered 110, 40 more than he had taken the year before.  Also with him were a hand full of gentlemen, some of them probably investors; more of Cartier's St.-Malo relatives; and his "secretary" from the first voyage, Jehan Poullet.02r 

The flotilla became separated during the stormy crossing, and Cartier's vessel did not reach the east coast of Newfoundland until the first week of July.  He sailed north, back to Le Grand Baye, and waited for his consorts.  After his fleet was reunited by the end of July, Cartier led them close along the northern shore of the Grand Bay and around to the northwest tip of l'Assumption, from where he had ended his exploration the previous summer.  On the way there, to mark his route, he set up a cross in a harbor west of today's Natashquan.  His next stop was at a small bay he called St.-Laurent, a name "soon to be extended to the gulf, and then to the river."  Taignoagny and Domagaya, now competent in French, directed Cartier southward, back to Gaspé, where the Breton had found them the year before.  They told him of their home, their canada, which lay to the west, up the great river Hochelaga, which they were about to enter.  The brothers promised that the river would grow narrower as they ascended to Canada and that the water gradually would turn from salty to fresh.  At Canada, they warned, the French would have to anchor their ships and continue up the river in smaller boats.  They assured Cartier that they had never heard of anyone reaching the headwaters of Hochelaga, such was the great distance from which it flowed.  Determined not to miss a passage to Asia during his ascent of the river, Cartier sailed westward along the Gaspé shore, its mountains towering to 4,000 feet, before crossing to the north side of the wide estuary.  He then sailed east again for a number of leagues but found only walruses along another barren coast.  It was time to ascend the river to Canada before the summer slipped away; surely here, after all, was the passage to Asia that Cabot and Verrazzano had failed to find.  Sailing along the northern shore of the estuary, they came upon the mouth of a "'very deep and rapid river" flowing in from the west.  The natives he encountered here called their village Thadoyzeau, today's Tadoussac, after the Montagnais word for "'bosom,' probably in reference to the two round and sandy hills located on the west side of the village."  The Iroquois brothers called the river and the surrounding country Saguenay.  They assured Cartier that stores of copper and other minerals could be found up the river.  Continuing his ascent up the larger river, Cartier passed a series of islands lining the river channel; soon, his Iroquois captives assured him, they would reach their native Canada.  The largest island, at the upper end of the scattered chain, Cartier estimated to be fully ten leagues in length.  It now was September 7.  The natives he encountered refused to come near until they learned of the identity of Cartier's passengers.  Soon Donnacona, the "lord of Canada," whom Cartier had met at Gaspé the year before, appeared with a large entourage of a dozen canoes.  After greeting the Frenchmen and his sons with an animated harangue, the chief led them to a commanding bluff along the north bank of the river.  Here stood Stadacona, the canada so dear to his Iroquois captives.02 

Cartier and his men lingered at Stadacona longer than he intended.  Donnacona and his sons, especially Taignoagny, did their best to dissuade them from continuing upriver.  "[T]hey put on for him a scene of sorcery, which had no effect" of course, and "Donnacona vainly offered gifts," including great quantities of "eels and other fish."  By compelling the French to remain at Stadacona, the Iroquois there, not upriver at Hochelaga, would monopolize the trade that surely would come.  On September 19, determined to find the passage to Asia, Cartier left two of the ships at the mouth of the Ste.-Croix, today's Rivière St.-Charles, just downriver from Stadacona, and took the barque Érmérillon and two of his long-boats up towards the falls.  Perhaps peeved at Donnacona, Cartier did not bother to take an interpreter--that is, either of the sons--on his trip to the falls, "which greatly lessened the usefulness of his trip."  Cartier and his men were much impressed with the land and the forests on both banks of the river.  Contact with the natives was frequent now, and there was much trading, especially food for wares, as well as exchange of information.  The chief of Achelacy, at present-day Portneuf, "put him on his guard against Donnacona and his sons."  He warned Cartier of the navigational hazards lying ahead, and, to seal an alliance, "presented him with his daughter."  Below another large tributary flowing down from the north, the great river widened into a virtual lake.  Cartier left the Érmérillon at today's Lac St.-Pierre and continued in the long-boats.  On October 2, he reached the village of Hochelaga., which lay on the banks of a large island.  This town was much larger than Stadacona, and, like the other Iroquoian villages they had seen along the river, Hochelaga was surrounded by a palisade.  At least a thousand Iroquois came down to the river's edge to greet them, receiving them "like gods."  The villagers presented their sick to be cured, and Cartier read to them passages from the Gospel of St. John, none of which the natives understood.  "After an exchange of greetings and an inspection of the palisaded village," Cartier and his men climbed the commanding hill behind the village, which Cartier named Le Mont-Réal.  From atop the hill, "they could view the surrounding land for a distance of thirty leagues."  Looking northwest, they caught their first glimpse of what the natives called Estendue, later the Rivière des Outaouais, now the Ottawa River, another magnificent tributary of the river of Canada.  The natives told them of the "bad people" who lived along that river.  Cartier showed them some copper he had received from natives downriver and asked if it had come from Estendue.  No, they told him, it had come from Saguenay.  The rapids above the village, the Frenchmen could see, blocked navigation farther up the river, at least for them.  Not ready to test the rapids, and having learned that there were more rapids farther up the river of Canada, on October 3 Cartier and him men returned to the long-boats and made their way back to the ships at Ste.-Croix.  On October 7, they lingered at the mouth of today's Rivière St.-Maurice and erected another cross before continuing downstream.02o 

Back at Ste.-Croix, Cartier found his men constructing a make-shift fortification for their own protection.  Taignoagny and Domagaya, now familiar with business practices in France, had urged the villagers in Stadacona to demand more in trade, and relations with the Frenchmen had soon turned sour, so much so that communications with the natives ended for a time.  In early November, much to the relief of the Frenchmen, who still depended on the natives for their store of food, the Iroquois relented, and trade resumed, especially for fish.  When weather permitted, Cartier explored the large island below the village, today's Île d'Orléans, and inspected the soil at Stadacona, which he claimed was "as good ... as it is possible to find."  The lateness of the season forced him and his men to winter at Ste.-Croix, most of them living aboard ship, but they kept a wary eye on their neighbors.  They had no choice but to remain:  from mid-November until mid-April, their ships lay icebound in the river, which remained frozen all the way up to Hochelaga and a good ways down from Stadacona.  Using the time wisely, they listened attentively to Donnacona's tales about the wonders of the region.  The chief told them of the fabulous Kingdom of Saguenay, which, he said, could be reached by the river they had seen at Tadoussac.  There they would find "'immense quantities of gold, rubies and other rich things, and ... the men there are white as in France and go clothed in woolens,'" the chief averred.  Perhaps to intimidate his guests, Donnacona showed them five scalps, "stretched on hoops like parchment," which his warriors had taken from among their enemies to the south, with whom they fought constantly.  The Frenchmen learned of a magnificent lake lying to the south, between Canada and the country of the Magots; the lake they called Pathnos, most likely today's Lake Champlain; the Magots may have been the Mohawk, linguistic kin of the Canadian Iroquois.  "The network of waterways was moreover beginning to take shape in his mind; the Richelieu, still unnamed, which came from 'Florida'; the St. Lawrence, which was open to navigation for three months; to the north of Hochelaga, a river (the Ottawa) which led to great lakes and to a 'freshwater sea'; great waterways which proved that the continental barrier was much broader than had been believed."  All of this, along with many of the customs of his reluctant hosts, their words and phrases, Cartier diligently recorded as the winter wore on, the snow at times lying four feet on the ground.  Worse than the ice and snow, however, was scurvy, which broke out among the Iroquois in December and then among the French soon after.  "By mid-February not more than 10 of Cartier's 110 men were still well; 8 were dead, including the young Philippe Rougemont," on whose remains they performed an autopsy.  Cartier and his men prayed fervently to an image of the Virgin Mother, "and Cartier promised to make a pilgrimage to Roc-Amadour" if she intervened on their behalf.  More Frenchmen died from the malady, however, until Domagaya, who had survived the dread disease, unwittingly revealed to Cartier a remedy extracted from the white cedar, annedda.  As a result, 85 of Cartier's men were still breathing when spring finally returned in April--proof that Europeans could survive a Canadian winter and that settlement there was possible.02p 

After the ice broke up and released his vessels, Cartier had no choice but to abandon one of them, the Petite Hermine, for lack of men to man her sails.  He also found himself embroiled in a dispute between Donnacona and Agona, one of the chief's rivals.  Despite his sons' intrigues against Cartier and his men, Donnacona was convinced that the Frenchmen had taken his side in the matter.  On 3 May 1536, Donnacona and his sons accepted Cartier's invitation to celebrate the erection of another cross, this one at Ste.-Croix.  The Iroquois notables appeared in their most impressive regalia.  On Cartier's orders, the Frenchmen overpowered them and two other headmen and forced them aboard the Grande Hermine.  The villagers tried to ransom their leaders, but Cartier refused to release them.  He promised the villagers that he would return their chief to them "in 12 moons" or less "with lavish presents from the king."  Anticipating what he would face back home, Cartier was determined to display Donnacona as proof of his having reached distant Canada.  Remembering the chief's accounts of Saguenay, Cartier also needed evidence of the region's wealth, which would justify another expedition.  With a cargo of furs, "a dozen pieces of gold," and 10 natives in tow, Cartier left Ste.-Croix on May 6, exploring the southern shore of the river this time.  Opposite the Île-aux-Coudres, they encountered some of Donnacona's people making their way back up from Saguenay.  The Iroquois "gave their leader farewell presents," and Cartier's ships continued on their way.  Rounding the coast of Gaspé, they sailed southeast across the Grand Bay, past the Îles-de-la-Madeleine, which Cartier had seen on his first voyage and which he thought had been part of a mainland.  He could see now that they were a string of islands and that the body of water in which they lay was much larger than he had imagined.  After reaching the northern shore of Cape Breton Island, he explored that coast northeastward to a wide passage, today's Cabot Strait, which he had missed on his first crossing of the gulf.  He continued northeastward, past an island he named for St. Paul, before turning eastward to explore the south coast of Newfoundland, which he suspected now was an island, not a part of the continent.  He did not make landfall until he reached a small archipelago lying off the southeastern coast of Newfoundland, îles St.-Pierre and Miquelon, discovered 15 years before on Jaoa Alvares Fagundes's first voyage to the region.  Only then did Cartier encounter Breton and Norman fishing boats and know that he no longer was in undiscovered country.  He may also have realized that the great body of water west of Le Grand Baye actually was a gulf of the North Atlantic and touched on many regions yet to be explored.  He sailed on to Cape Race, at the southeast tip of Newfoundland, which he reached on June 16.  At a nearby harbor variously called Rougnouse, Rosono, and Renewse, he took on fresh water and firewood and left behind one of his long-boats.  He headed out to sea on June 19 and was back at St.-Malo on July 16, having taken 14 months to complete his voyage.02j 

When Cartier returned to France, the nation was again at war with Spain, so a third expedition to Canada had to wait.  King François awarded him with the Grande Hermine and compensated him for expenses incurred in the first and second voyages.  The King was especially taken with Donnacona's tales of faraway Canada, which included accounts of "mines which were very rich in gold and silver, of an abundance of cloves, nutmeg, and pepper (the spices of which Europe dreamed)" in the magnificent Kingdom of Saguenay.  Evidently Donnacona and the other Iroquois consented to speak to the St.-Malo scholar preparing the relations of Cartier's voyages; the result was an extensive vocabulary of Iroquois words and phrases, as well as descriptions of their customs and beliefs.  The King certainly was pleased to hear that three of the "savages of Canada" had been baptized at St.-Malo on 25 March 1539.  The Spanish, however, did not applaud Cartier's efforts in a part of America they insisted belonged to them.  On learning from his many spies that François I planned to send another expedition to "the Indies," Carlos I mobilized Spanish forces in the region, coaxed Portugal into providing ships to oppose the French, and complained to the pope of French violations of the Treaty of Tordesillas.  Despite the continuing conflict between the two nations, in October 1540 Cartier received a commission as "captain general" of a third expedition to Canada.  This time he would attempt a settlement there "with individuals of 'all kinds, arts and industries,' including 50 men "he was authorized to take from the prisons."  Just as troubling for the plan, Donnacona, his sons, and most of the other Iroquois in Cartier's entourage lay buried in the foreign soil of France.  Here was a circumstance that would not sit well with their kinsmen back in Canada.  In late January 1541, King François added another complication to Cartier's venture by appointing one of the King's old acquaintances, Calvinist privateer Jean-François de la Rocque, sieur de Roberval, as the lieutenant-general of New France and titular head of the expedition.  Now it would be "a great colonizing undertaking" with Roberval, not Cartier, at his helm.  The Breton, well aware of royal inconstancy, agreed to serve as the expedition's "Chief Navigator."  Roberval also was authorized to impress convicts for the Canadian venture.  Ironically, Roberval's commission as lieutenant-general charged him "with 'spreading the holy Catholic faith'" in Canada and building churches there, so he may have conveniently espoused the faith of his fathers in order to secure the appointment.  To elude Spanish war ships, Cartier and Roberval would sail from France in separate flotillas.02k 

With the King's urging and Roberval's approval, Cartier's flotilla was the first to sail.  He left St.-Malo on 23 May 1541 in "five ships provisioned for two years," with 500 men aboard, though a Spanish spy reported 1,500.  Again, Cartier took two of his brothers-in-law-- Guyon Des Granches, vicomte de Beaupré; and the pilot Marc Jalobert--as well as a nephew.  Cartier's ships included his own Grande Hermine and the bark Émérillon, survivors of his second voyage.  Roberval's departure was delayed by lack of artillery; France, after all, was still at war with Spain.  The French commanders could not know it, but Carlos I, employing information provided by spies at St.-Malo, had ordered two Spanish caravels to intercept the French flotillas, believed to be seven ships with Cartier and four with Roberval.  One caravel hurried to the Cape Verde Islands, the other up to Newfoundland.  Luckily for Cartier and Roberval, neither of these Spanish vessels completed their missions.  Cartier's crossing was plagued by foul weather, which scattered his vessels, and it took them three months to cross to Newfoundland.  After waiting in vain for Roberval's arrival, Cartier sailed on to the river of Canada and stood before Stadacona on August 23; he had been away for five years.  Agona, now chief of the village, revealed no emotion when Cartier informed him of the death of Donnacona.  As to the other Iroquois who had been spirited away, Cartier told the villagers that each of them had "decided" to remain in France and live there like lords.  Remembering his conflict with the villagers on his second voyage, Cartier chose to settle not at Ste.-Croix, below Stadacona, but at Cap-Rouge, along the north shore just above the village.  The Cap-Rouge site, which also lay near the mouth of a fresh-water tributary, was closer to Hochelaga, where Cartier was confident he still retained the favor of the natives.  He and his men cleared "a large park," erected a palisade and two fortifications, "and started cultivating the soil" at what they called Charlesbourg-Royal.  While constructing the new settlement, Cartier's men found not only a stand of precious white cedar, but also what they thought were diamonds and gold.  In early September, Cartier sent Jalobert back to France with two ships carrying a cargo of what proved to be nothing more than mica and iron pyrite.  On September 7, Cartier left the settlement in charge of his brother-in-law, the Vicomte de Beaupré, and returned to Hochelaga.  On the way up, he visited Achelacy, reaffirmed their alliance, and left two boys there to learn the Iroquois language--"the first Europeans to become pupils of the natives."  At Hochelaga, Cartier distributed many gifts to seal his relations with that village.  He examined the rapids in greater detail, intending to return the following spring to ascend the great river and the Ottawa.  Back at Charlesbourg-Royal, he noted the growing distrust between his men and the villagers at Stadacona and learned that even Achelacy had "abandoned him."  Agona, meanwhile, pondered the fate of his predecessor and grew weary of supporting these interlopers.  Without warning, the Iroquois struck Charlesbourg-Royal, killing at least 35 Frenchmen in the initial assault.  More of Cartier's men perished behind their fortifications during another long, hard winter, many of them convicts who had not wanted to be there in the first place.  "Agona was avenging Donnaconna," the dead chief's biographer tells us.  "We must go back to this wintering-over of 1541-42 to date the beginning of the wars between the French and the Iroquois.  They were the result of Cartier's policy," he insists, and doomed the navigator's feeble attempts to establish a permanent settlement.02l 

By June 1542, after 13 months of effort, Cartier gave up.  He filled his ships with more "diamonds and gold" and headed back to France.  Roberval, meanwhile, still was having difficulty outfitting his fleet.  The ships he did provision he engaged in piracy against English merchantmen to raise funds for his expedition.  France was at peace with England at the time, so King François had no choice but to repudiate Roberval's depredations.  Not until 16 April 1542 did Roberval depart for Newfoundland.  With him were three ships: the Valentine; the Anne, commanded by Paul d'Aussillon de Sauveterre; and Lèchefraye.  The flotilla was piloted by an experienced sailor, Jean Fonteneau, also known as Jean Alfonse de Saintonge.  For the first time in a French expedition, females came along, some of them so-called "society women" who were part of Roberval's coterie of fellow courtiers.  Most of the expedition's 200 settlers, however, were convicts scoured from the nation's prisons--murderers and assassins as well as common thieves.  Reaching Newfoundland on June 8, Roberval met the remnant of Cartier's fleet, which the navigator insisted was carrying precious minerals for the King and his investors.  Roberval ordered Cartier to accompany him to Canada.  The Breton would have none of it; his ships weighed anchor during the night and quietly slipped away to St.-Malo, which they reached in October.  Roberval sailed on to Canada via Le Grand Baye, marooned an enamored couple along the southern coast of Labrador, and reached Stadacona in July.02s

Roberval's pilot, Alfonse de Saintonge, may not have accompanied him all the way to Canada.  From his youth, Jean Fonteneau had sailed to Portugal and Spain, through the Baltic, the Mediterranean, along the coasts of Africa, into the Red Sea, and as far as Japan, before being named "captain and pilot of King François I."  He could speak Portuguese as well as French, and had studied accounts of the Portuguese and French voyages from Cape Breton down to the Antilles.  His nickname, Jean Alfonse, came from his Portuguese wife's surname, but he himself was thoroughly Saintongeois.  Roberval assigned Alfonse the task of completing one of the missions of the expedition.  "It was probably on the return trip, at the end of the summer," after guiding Roberval to Cartier's gulf, that Alfonse "ventured on a cruise in search of the northwest passage to China.  He passed through the Strait of Belle-Isle, and seems to have got as far as Davis Strait, being the first Frenchman to reach what was later to be called Baffin Bay.  He was back in La Rochelle in May 1543," having led the first French expedition to the Arctic region, but he, too, had failed to find the elusive passage to Asia.02t

Meanwhile, in Canada, Roberval promptly rebuilt and strengthened Cartier's Cap-Rouge fortification, renaming it France-Roy.  He also renamed the nearby tributary, calling it France-Prime.  With Cartier's report in hand, Roberval ventured upriver to Hochelaga and attempted to ascend the rapids at present-day Lachine.  He sent an expedition of 70 men, under command of three of his lieutenants, down to Saguenay.  One of the boats foundered during the expedition, taking with it two of Roberval's officers.  The others found neither the mythical kingdom nor gold and gems, but they built a fortified outpost at Tadoussac perhaps as a base for further exploration.  By then, Roberval was having doubts "about the success of his enterprise."  Before the river froze over, he dispatched his trusted lieutenant, Aussillon de Sauveterre, probably in the Anne, "to seek the king's help."  During the winter, rations fell short, and 50 of Roberval's men died of scurvy, evidently unaware of the Iroquois remedy that could have spared their lives.  To quell an uprising among the convicts, Roberval, still "thoroughly Calvinistic," felt compelled to hang six of them.  He banished some of the offenders "'to an island, in leg-irons, because they had been caught in petty thefts involving not more than five sous.'  Others, both men and women, were flogged for the same offense.'"  In June 1543, Roberval took "a number of his company towards Hochelaga," where he may have intended to re-settle.  When a relief expedition reached Canada later in the year, like Cartier he chose to abandon the colony and took his entire company back to France.  By then, war with Spain had broken out again, so further French efforts in Canada were postponed indefinitely, especially after Roberval's cargo of minerals proved to be as worthless as Cartier's.02n 

The wars between François I and Spain continued for the rest of François's reign, which ended in 1547, and also during the reign of his predecessor, Henri II.  But the wars and the resulting debilitation of the kingdom's finances were only part of the reason why France abandoned its efforts in faraway Canada.  The failure of Cartier's and Robeval's expedition made something crystal clear:  even with the promise of a sizable trade in fish and fur, there just were not enough quick profits to be made in a colony devoid of mineral wealth.  Nor could the French depend on the natives to succor them through the northern winters, especially if they treated them as shabbily as Cartier had done.  Nevertheless, Cartier's explorations in the St. Lawrence region, as well as Alfonse's venture to the Arctic circle, gave France a claim to that part of the New World and enhanced the cartographic image of that corner of North America.02m

.

The Protestant revolt that had erupted in Europe a generation after Columbus’s voyage to the Indies consumed France, as much as it did Germany and England, in a maelstrom of rancor and violence.  The French theologian Jean Calvin was as important a figure in the struggle against Catholic authority as was the German priest, Martin Luther.  Having been run out of France in the year of Cartier’s first voyage to Nova Gallia, Calvin took refuge first at Basel and then Geneva, but his ideas seeped back into his native country.  French Calvinists, known as Huguenots after the 1560s, challenged the authority of the pope and preached what Catholics insisted were heretical doctrines.  As a result of these intractable theological differences and a bloody rivalry between noble families for control of the throne, a series of civil wars raged through France from 1562 to 1598.  "At times," historian J. M. Roberts tells us, "they brought the French monarchy very low; the nobility came near to mastering it.  Yet, in the end, aristocratic rivalries benefited a crown which could use one faction against another.  Meanwhile, the wretched population of France had to bear the brunt of disorder and devastation.  In 1589 a member of a junior branch of the royal family, Henry," prince of the southern French provinces Béarn and Navarre," became (after the murder of his predecessor) Henry IV of France and inaugurated the Bourbon line whose descendants still claim the French throne.  He had been a Protestant, but now accepted Catholicism as the condition of succession, recognizing the religion most Frenchmen would stand by.  The Protestants were given guarantees which left them a state within a state, the possessors of fortified towns where the king’s writ did not run," such as the Protestant stronghold of La Rochelle.  Still, "As the seventeenth century opened, France was still divided by bitter dynastic and religious intrigues, often leading to local outbreaks of armed revolt against the crown."03

Despite the domestic upheaval of the late sixteenth century, the Huguenots, at least, had tried to establish French colonies in the New World, but they stayed clear of Canada.  In May 1555, Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral of France, a powerful Calvinist leader, sent an expedition of three ships carrying 600 men and women under Vice-admiral Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon to establish a colony on the island of Serigipe in the harbor of present-day Rio de Janeiro, Brazil--an area the French called La France Antarctique.  Villegagnon, though a devout Catholic, claimed that he was devoted to religious tolerance.  After a long voyage from Havre via the coast of Spain, the Madeiras, the Canaries, and the Cape Verde Islands, Villegagnon's expedition reached Brazil in November.  The settlers named their fort after Coligny, who ignored the fact that Portugal had long claimed the area as its own.  In 1556, with the approbation of King Henri II, Coligny sent 300 reinforcements to the Huguenot refuge, "many picked personally by Jean Calvin himself," to establish a new settlement they called Henryville.  This second group of colonists also included devout Catholics, who, with the urging of the headstrong Villegagnon, quarreled incessantly with the Swiss Calvinists, "especially in relation to the Eucharist."  The bitterness and intolerance, reflecting conditions back in France, doomed the colonial effort.  In October 1557, Villegagnon banished the Calvinists to the mainland and returned to France the following year.   No longer able to ignore the French incursion, in March 1560 the Portuguese attacked the settlement and destroyed their fort, but not until 1565 were they able to remove the last of the French from the area.03a 

Undaunted, Coligny tried again, this time in territory claimed by Spain.  In 1562, the year the religious wars began in France, the admiral sent a lieutenant, Jean Ribaut, to plant a Huguenot colony in Florida.  The fortified settlement would serve as a base from which to search for precious metals, "to prey upon Spanish galleons in the Caribbean and to watch for an opportunity to intervene in the West Indies."  Ribaut built a fort near present-day Port Royal, South Carolina, which he named Charlesfort after King Charles IX, and then returned to France.  Not long after he left, the unhappy tenants of the fort turned on one another, murdered the officer whom Ribaut had left in charge, built a ship of their own, and abandoned the fort to the elements.  In 1564, Coligny sent another lieutenant, René Goulaine de Laudonnière, with 300 men to try again.  Fort Caroline, also named after the French king, built farther to the south, stood on a hill beside today's St. Johns River and fared better, or at least a bit longer, than Ribaut's fort up the coast.  In 1565, Ribaut sailed to Fort Caroline from France with reinforcements for the settlement, including families.  Eventually, however, Laudonnière and his colonists quarreled bitterly, ran short of food, found no gold, and alienated the local Indians.  Even worse for the hapless Huguenots, Spanish authorities learned of the French incursion into their territory and resolved to rid the New World of these troublesome heretics.  In September 1565, a powerful expedition led by Pedro Menéndez de Avilés attacked Fort Caroline and massacred most of the settlers, including the redoubtable Jean Ribaut.  To keep Protestants away from the Catholic realm, Menéndez promptly erected a stronghold at San Agústín, 40 miles south of Fort Caroline.  Unlike de Ayllón's and Cartier's attempts at settlement and the now defunct Charlesfort and Fort Caroline, Spanish San Agústín survived the test of time; it is today St. Augustine, Florida, the oldest continuously-occupied European community in North America.04 

In late August 1572, following the ceremony celebrating the marriage of Protestant Prince Henri de Béarn and Navarre to Catholic princess Marguerite de Valois, Catholic militants in Paris murdered Coligny, along with other prominent Huguenots, in the so-called Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day.  This brought to an end "the first phase of French transatlantic expansion" and precipitated a fourth war of religion in France.04a

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The interest of the French in North America did not end with the failure of Coligny's settlements and the resumption of the kingdom's wars of religion; too many fish and fur-bearing animals demanded their attention.  In 1581, after the Treaty of Fleix sent the contending French armies home again, the "merchants of Rouen, Dieppe, and St. Malo began sponsoring expeditions designed exclusively to bring back furs from the St. Lawrence River," historians Sally Ross and Alphonse Deveau tell us.  Cardinal Bourbon, the archbishop of Rouen "took up, with the Duc de Joyeuse, the admiral of France, a project for exploring and trading along the coast south and west of Cape Breton and establishing there a small outpost, which it would hope would later become the nucleus of a colony."  The bishop employed Rouen merchant Étienne Bellenger, who had gone to the Grand Bank as a purser with the Norman fishing fleet, to establish the outpost.  In January 1583, the 50-ton barque Chardon, manned by a 10-man crew, left Havre-de-Grâce with Bellenger and 20 "colonists"; also "aboard" was a chaloupe, essentially a long-boat with sails, to be used for exploring inlets where the Chardon could not go.  After a short, uneventful crossing, Bellenger reached Cape Breton in early February and explored the coast southward, including the bays and inlets of "Isle St. Jehan," the French name at the time for today's Atlantic shore of the Nova Scotia peninsula.  Bellenger sailed around Cap-Sable and up into today's Bay of Fundy, one of the first Europeans to explore deep into what Bellenger called the "Pasaige de St. Jehan."  Erecting crosses with the cardinal's coat of arms here and there along the Fundy shore, Bellenger explored the bay's southern coast up to the entrance of today's Minas Basin before crossing to the northern shore.  Here, he discovered and explored the Lower Reach of today's St. John River, positing that the river "was navigable for 60 or 80 leagues."  Continuing southwestward along the coast of Maine, called Norembega since the time of Cartier, Bellenger re-discovered the Penobscot River before returning home, probably by late May.  He "presented many mementoes to the cardinal and sold, at a high profit, the skins bought on his own adventure," but he did not return to New France.  Although the cardinal's colony never came to fruition, Bellenger's voyage was a significant leap in the understanding of that part of New France which lay west of Cape Breton:  "The Chardon or her pinnace put Bellenger on land frequently, ten to a dozen times," one of his biographers tells us.  "He made a close examination of the resources of the land, its timber, its possibilities for making salt, and its presumed mineral wealth, bringing home an ore believed to contain lead and silver."  He also made extensive contacts with the local natives, especially the Mi'kmaq at Cap-Sable, with whom he traded trinkets for furs.05a

Meanwhile, in 1584, five ships left St. Malo for New France "and returned so laden with pelts that it was decided to double the number of vessels the following year," Ross and Deveau relate.  Here was an industry, formerly controlled by the fishermen, in which substantial profits could be made.  In order to minimize their risks, however, merchants and investors demanded monopolies over the fur trade in the vast areas of New France.  In 1587, Stephen Chaton, sieur de la Jannaye, and Jacques Nouel, French naval captains and nephews of Jacques Cartier, "petitioned King Henri III for a monopoly of the fur trade in New France."  They informed the King that their uncle "and his heirs were still owed a sume of 1,600 livres.  A royal commission confirmed their claims.  In January 1588, they received a monopoly on fur trade and mining in New France for twelve years, and authorization to transport sixty convicts to New France and start a settlement.  The monopoly was instantly attacked by traders and fishermen and was revoked for all but mining rights.  Nothing appears to have come of this colonizing effort."  An influential French nobleman also secured such a monopoly, but his attempts to exploit it resulted in a "record of continuous failure, unrivaled in the history of the northeastern shores of North America," historian Andrew Hill Clark avers. Troilus du Mesgoùez, seigneur de La Roche-Helgomarche, marquis de Coëtarmoal, vicomte de Carenten and Saint-Lô, known to history as La Roche, secured a monopoly from King Henri III in 1577, during another quiet period between the religious wars, but nothing came of it.  La Roche was captured in the next religious war and held a prisoner from 1589 to 1596.  The following year, King Henri IV, who had succeeded his brother-in-law Henri III in 1589, granted La Roche another fur-trading monopoly, naming him lieutenant-general of New France.  Despite the severe depletion of the royal treasury, the King contributed 12,000 écus to the venture.  La Roche struggled from the beginning to find enough volunteers among his fellow Frenchmen to go to New France.  Forced to recruit "beggars and vagabonds," including criminals who had been sentenced to death and were given the choice of settling in the new world, La Roche's venture was doomed from the start.  In 1599, after leaving "some two-score 'criminals' ... from the Rouen area and a few soldiers" on Sable Island, "a crescentic sandbank in the ocean" nearly 200 miles off the coast of present-day Nova Scotia, La Roche continued his search for a more suitable site to establish a permanent settlement.  Meanwhile, he subsisted his 60 settlers with annual supply ships in 1600 and 1601, but by 1602 his support in France had evaporated.  Hearing of it, the settlers mutinied, killing their officers in their sleep, and looted the island's store house.  La Roche refused to send anymore supply ships to the island .  Subsisting only on wild cattle and swine left by a Spanish Basque vessel eight decades earlier, and on fish, seals, shellfish, and whatever else they could scrounge from the island's meager resources, the mutineers turned on one another, and most of them perished.  When a Norman ship came to the island in September 1603, only 11 of the miscreants were still alive.05b

Perhaps learning from La Roche's failures, Henri IV, with the urging of his chief minister, the duc de Sully, pursued a policy of royal parsimony by granting fur-trade monopolies to other entrepreneurs, sans funds from the royal treasury.  In 1599, he awarded a 10-year concession to Calvinist merchant and former naval officer Pierre de Chauvin, sieur de Tonnetuit, of Dieppe and Honfleur.  Chauvin's lieutenant in the fur-trading venture was François Gravé, sieur du Pont, of St.-Malo and Honfleur, another former naval officer turned fur trader but a Catholic, who knew the St. Lawrence well.  Also part of Chauvin's consortium were several other well-placed nobles, including Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, a fellow Calvinist, who had been a champion of Henri IV during the religious wars.  In 1600, Chauvin and Gravé, with de Mons in tow, sailed in four ships to the St. Lawrence valley to fulfill an important part of the King's concession--the settling of 50 colonists a year, at least 500 during the life of the concession.  Gravé had spent time at the site of present-day Trois-Rivières, in Canada, so he hoped to see a new trading settlement located in that area.  Against the advice of Gravé and de Mons, however, Chauvin chose Tadoussac for his settlement.  Since before the explorations of Jacques Cartier, this site on the lower St. Lawrence, at its confluence with Rivière Saguenay, had been an important Indian rendezvous.  In 1535, on his first ascent of the St. Lawrence River, Cartier had visited the place, occupied even then by the Montagnais, today's Innu.  Colonists under the sieur de Roberval built a fortified outpost there in 1542.  Basque whalers frequented the place, but another activity brought even more Europeans to the rendezvous.  By the end of the century, despite its rugged terrain, poor soil, and extremely harsh winters, Tadoussac had become the most important fur-trading center in the St. Lawrence valley.  The trade with the Indians had become so important by then that the region's traditional fishing and sea-mammal culture had given way to hunting for fur-bearing animals.  The principal tribe of the region, the Laurentian Iroquois, whose economy had centered on maize farming and fishing, the same people who had "hosted" Cartier and Roberval in the early 1500s, had been driven from the region by a hunting culture, perhaps their linguistic kin, the Mohawk from the south, or more likely the Montagnais from Tadoussac.  By the late 1500s, then, except for seasonal hunters seeking food and furs to trade with the Europeans, the St. Lawrence valley above Tadoussac was largely uninhabited.  Chauvin built a manor house at the trading center and, as the winter of 1600 approached, left only 16 of his men there while he and the others returned to France.  Though Tadoussac is touted today as "the oldest continuously inhabited European settlement in Canada, and the oldest surviving French settlement in the Americas," Chauvin's settlement did not survive beyond its first, terrible winter.  Chauvin and his associates did attempt to maintain a seasonal trading post there, but the wintering disaster--only five of the 16 settlers survived the ordeal, and only because they moved in with the local Montagnais--convinced the proprietor of the need to find a different settlement site.  Before he could do it, however, and while the court was investigating the failure of his venture, Chauvin died suddenly, probably at Honfleur, in February 1603.05c 

The King next awarded the New French concession to retired admiral Aymar de Cleremont de Chaste, governor of Dieppe and another loyal supporter.  Again following the duc de Sully's advice not to commit royal funds to a colonizing venture, the King instructed de Chaste to seek investors, which he did at Honfleur, St.-Malo, Dieppe, Le Havre, and Rouen.  However, neither the admiral's vaunted title nor the influence of his investors reduced the number of unauthorized fur traders returning to the lower St. Lawrence.  In 1603, de Chaste, who was too unhealthy to venture to New France, sent Gravé du Pont, then in charge at Tadoussac, to explore the region for another settlement site in an area not so thoroughly exploited and with a more salubrious climate.  On the Ides of March, Gravé, in the ship Bonne-Renommée, Good Renown, 120 tons, with cartographer Samuel de Champlain and two young Montagnais in tow, sailed from Honfleur.  After a storm-tossed, ice-choked, fog-bound crossing, Champlain's first to New France, they reached "the tight little harbor of" Tadoussac on May 26.  Accompanying the Bonne-Renommée was the 100-ton La Françoise, outfitted by Rouen merchants; and Malouin Jean Sarcel de Prévert in a vessel whose name has been lost to history.  Once in New France, Sarcel de Prévert would explore to the south, in what the French called La Cadie, while Champlain, who had come along as an observer at the King's and de Chaste's insistence, would remain with Gravé on the St. Lawrence.  At Tadoussac, Gravé and Champlain, with the assistance of the two young Montagnais, intruded themselves into "The Great Tabagie," in which Algonquin from the Ottawa River valley, Etchemin from the coast of Maine, and their hosts, the Montagnais, celebrated a great victory over their common enemy, the Iroquois of present-day upstate New York.  After several days of wild celebration, the Frenchmen and the Indians established a kind of "entente" that lasted for many generations (one might even say it has lasted to this very day).  After listening to the Montagnais describe the watershed of Rivière Saguenay and especially their tales of a "salt-water sea to the north," Champlain guessed that a great bay, not part of the Asian Sea but of the North Atlantic, lay far to the north of St. Lawrence rendezvous.  "In 1603, seven years before its discovery by the English," one of his biographers tells us, "Champlain divined in some fashion the existence of Hudson Bay."  During the second week of June, in one of Gravé's ship's boats, Champlain sounded Tadoussac's harbor and then explored the Saguenay from its mouth nearly to the falls of Chicoutimi, a distance of 12 to 15 leagues.  The river he found to be extraordinarily deep at its mouth and a virtual fjord in its lower reaches, but the mountainous, tree-choked terrain along its banks presented to him only a "true desert."  Even on the eve of summer he could see that the extreme coldness of the river's water, coming down from the far north, promised a most unpleasant winter for anyone who dwelled there.  Moreover, the Montagnais, intent on protecting their status as middlemen in the lucrative trade for furs with the northern nations, refused to accompany him any farther upriver, and so he returned to Tadoussac.05d

Another failure among the Montagnais at Tadoussac was Champlain's efforts to convince their sagamore, Anadabijou, to embrace the One True Faith.  The geographer was not there to convert the Indians--he was, by all accounts, the most tolerant of men--but his conversations with them, as well as what he witnessed in their remarkable tabagie, including displays of female nakedness, revealed to him the essence of their beliefs, and he found their religion wanting.  The devout Roman Catholic, whose adherence to his faith would grow stronger over the years, could not resist an opportunity to spread the Word to a people for whom he held a modicum of respect.  But by all indications even he could see that his efforts at conversion were for nothing.05f

Beginning on June 18, Gravé, in a river barque, with Champlain, a contingent of armed Frenchmen, and Indian guides in tow, explored "Rivière de Canada," as Champlain called it, as far as upriver as the barque could go.  They discovered nothing new; Cartier's explorations 70 years before, and more recent expeditions, including one by Gravé himself, had thoroughly mapped the St. Lawrence valley from Tadoussac up to the falls at Hochelaga.  Nevertheless, Champlain's survey of the great river, its depths and currents, its islands, and the terrain along its banks, was by far the most thorough one to date.  When Gravé's expedition passed the abandoned site of Stadacona, now called Kebec, where Cartier and Roberval had wintered so long before, Champlain noted "that if the lands there were cultivated they would be as good as those of France."  One of his biographers insists, however, that Champlain was more impressed with the land farther upriver, which he considered more "suitable for a 'habitation.'"  There he found the land more open and the soil more fertile than what he had observed downriver.  Champlain explored the lower reaches of today's Rivière St.-Maurice until he was stopped by rapids, but he noted the Indians' descriptions of the river's headwaters, which they said began close to the Saguenay.  The mouth of the St.-Maurice was divided by small islands into three parts, so Champlain gave the site its current name--Trois-Rivières.  Farther up, he and Gravé passed the mouth of today's Richelieu River, then called Rivière-des-Iroquois.  The Indian guides informed him that farther upriver, in the country of the Mohawk, were a series of impressive lakes and that below these lakes a major river flowed southward "toward 'Florida.'"  Back in the upper St. Lawrence, near the abandoned site of Hochelaga, Champlain and a contingent of sailors were no more successful than Cartier had been in navigating past the Canadian rapids.  After walking through the woods to the head of the rapids, Champlain queried the natives and came away with a good idea of what lay beyond the falls--a network of great lakes, including a magnificent waterfall between two of them, and, beyond, perhaps the Asian Sea!  He and Gravé headed back downriver on July 4 and, taking advantage of the current and the wind, returned to Tadoussac and the Bonne-Renommée by the 11th.  Gravé and Champlain next explored the coast of the Gaspé peninsula.  It was there, from Sarcel de Prévert and perhaps also from the Mi'kmaq, that Champlain learned more about La Cadie, off along the coast to the southward.  Two "Acadian possibilities," one of his biographer tells us--another route to Asia and mines discovered by the Malouin--"fascinated Champlain ... more than the St. Lawrence."05 

After exploring Gaspé, Gravé and Champlain returned to the upper St. Lawrence, where they remained until early August, and then headed home via the Grand Bank of Newfoundland on August 16.  After an uneventful crossing, they reached Honfleur on September 20, their expedition the most successful yet made in Canada.  Unfortunately for the New French enterprise, however, while Gravé, Champlain, and Sarcel de Prévert were searching for an ideal settlement site, their concessionaire, the aging Admiral de Chaste, died in France.05e

The Founding of Acadia

It did not take long for French officials to call in new bids for the fur-trade concession and for furious lobbying at court to commence.  On 31 October 1603, King Henri IV granted to a former associate of Chauvin de Tonnetuit, Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, governor of Pons in his native Saintonge, a commission as vice-admiral "for 'all the seas, coasts, islands, harbors, and maritime countries which are found in the said province and region of Acadia.'"  On November 6, at the King's residence at Fontainebleau outside of Paris, Henri awarded de Chaste's concession to de Mons, who would hold "extensive rights to settlement, trade, and fishery" in New France for 10 years.  Two days later, after careful negotiations, in which de Mons requested the title of viceroy, the King elevated de Mons to the rank of lieutenant-general but, because he was not a prince of the blood, refused him the title of viceroy.  That Henri IV rewarded the concession and the title of lieutenant-general to another Protestant gives some idea of how relatively open-minded the French had become in religious matters, at least during Henri's reign.  The geographical extent of de Mons's concession was the same as that of de Chaste's:  besides Canada, de Mons was granted the rights to La Cadie, which, the French believed, lay between the 40th and 46th degrees of north latitude.  This huge area comprised not only the peninsula of present-day Nova Scotia, but also what is now New England and New York, much of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, all of New Brunswick, Cape Breton Island and Newfoundland on the North Atlantic, Prince Edward Island and the Îles-de-la-Madeleine in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and much of what is today the Province of Québec.06

Like his fellow Protestant Coligny, de Mons established a settlement in territory claimed by rival nations--in this case, Spain and England.  His commission, in fact, included an admonition from the King not only to establish commercial relations with the natives and to spread the Christian faith among them, but also to prevent English incursions into the region.  Unlike Coligny and de Chastes, but like Chauvin, de Mons chose not to remain in France but to go himself to oversee the establishment of his new holdings.  Also unlike Coligny, but like Chauvin and de Chaste, de Mons would establish a settlement not to create a nationalistic "New France" in North America but to support a headquarters for his commercial venture, which, the King reminded him, must be funded with his own and his investors' money.  De Mons formed the Compagnie de Rouen, also called the Compagnie de Mons, which raised 90,000 livres for the venture from merchants at St.-Malo, La Rochelle, St.-Jean-de-Luz, and Rouen.  It was essential, then, that de Mons choose wisely the location of his seat, where he was contracted to establish at least 60 settlers.  Cartier had proved as early as the mid-1530s that Europeans could survive a winter in the St. Lawrence valley, and de Mons himself had traveled there, perhaps more than once, though he likely did not winter in Canada.  He had been there long enough, however, to have witnessed the annual frenzy among the valley natives when French traders appeared at Tadoussac.  This gave him more reason to center his concession farther southward, in La Cadie, where, at the same latitude as his native Saintonge, the climate surely would be milder.  Just as importantly, the Indians of La Cadie would not have been so thoroughly exploited by his fellow countrymen.  Still, de Mons could not neglect the Canadian part of his concession.  In early spring 1604, after fitting out two ships for his La Cadie venture, he sent three vessels to the lower St. Lawrence to gather furs there.06a

The first ship of de Mons's expedition bound for La Cadie departed Havre-de-Grâce, today's Le Havre, on 7 April 1604.  The Don-de-Dieu, Gift of God, 150 tons and 100 feet long, once owned by Chauvin de Tonnetuit, was "'one of the largest Norman ships that went every year to the Newfoundland cod fisheries.'"  It would make the crossing this time as de Mons's amiral, or flag ship, with Timothée Le Barbier of Le Havre as sailing master and Louis Coman as pilot.  The Don-de-Dieu had taken on passengers at Honfleur before sailing the short distance to Le Havre to join the other ship in the flotilla.  The Bonne-Renommée, 120 tons and 90 feet long, had been to the lower St. Lawrence for de Chaste and now sailed under Master Nicolas Morel of Honfleur, with Guillaume Duglas serving as pilot.  However, de Mons's second in command, François Gravé du Pont, whose knowledge of French America was second to none, was the senior officer aboard Bonne-Renommée and in command of the expedition while "afloat."  Gravé's vessel left Le Havre on April 10, three days after Don-de-Dieu.  Also in the flotilla, probably sailing with de Mons, was a 40-foot patache of 17 or 18 tons whose name has been lost to history.  Their destination was the fishing rendezvous at Canso on the northeastern tip of the Acadian peninsula.06d 

No women and certainly no families accompanied the venture.  Neither were there farmers among the passengers.  This was first and foremost a commercial enterprise bankrolled by an association of merchants, both Catholic and Protestant, from Rouen, St.-Malo, La Rochelle, and St.-Jean-de-Luz.  Large profits from trading for fur with the Indians was the main reason for the venture; everything else, including the fishery, an agricultural settlement, even the search for mineral wealth, would be secondary to that trade.  "Its object," historian David Hackett Fischer tells us, "was not to plant a permanent settlement with a population that could grow by natural increase, but rather to build an avant-poste, an outpost of empire in North America.  The sieur de Mons intended to construct an advanced base in the center of Acadia, analogous to a space station in our time, a safe and protected platform, strong enough to defend itself against the possibility of attack by Spanish or English raiders.  Its function was to provide a base for exploring missions, to map the coast, and find sites for colonies where French families might settle and start small populations growing."  To man the outpost, de Mons "recruited both Protestants and Roman Catholic participants," one of his biographers tells us.  Most of these men, approximately 120 workers, twice the number required by the King's contract, were "of varying skills"--surgeon, apothecary, housewright, master carpenters, sawyers, masons, blacksmiths, gunners, armorers, locksmiths (who repaired gunlocks), house plasterers, master miners, and professional hunters, including de Mons's bodyguard, François Addenin, who would become one of the colony's indispensable men.  Also included in de Mons's party were semiskilled artisans, unskilled laborers, ship's boys, convicts, and paupers, along with "several noblemen whose motives in joining the daring venture ranged from a quest for riches to a desire ... to win lands for France."  Two Catholic priests, one of them the young Nicolas Aubry of Paris, the other referred to only as le curé, as well as a Protestant minister whose name also has been lost to history, were part of the expedition, their mission not only to provide spiritual guidance to the expedition, but also to convert the natives.  An important member of the expedition was de Mons's friend Jean de Biencourt, sieur de Poutrincourt et de Saint-Just, an influential Catholic nobleman, soldier, and musical composer from Champagne, who came on the voyage "for his pleasure" yet was determined to establish "a new society in a new land."  Samuel de Champlain, like de Mons a Saintongeois, was a devout Catholic convert and experienced explorer who would serve as the expedition's cartographer.  While serving as a court geographer in the basement of the Louvre palace, Champlain had studied all of the French efforts in North America from Cartier to La Roche and Chauvin de Tonnetuit.  He also had been part of the successful expedition to Canada the year before, so his knowledge of New France was beyond theoretical.  A man of good sense and towering intellect, Champlain was determined to steer de Mons away from the many errors that had doomed earlier ventures.  Also coming along was an unusual but eminently valuable professional:  Mathieu Da Costa or De Coste, the expedition's interpreter, who, French documents attested, "'spoke the languages of Acadia.'"  Da Costa was from Portugal, Spain, or the Cape Verde Islands and was described in the same French documents as "a 'nègre' or 'naigre.'"  He evidently belonged to a Rouen merchant named de Bauquemare, who had recently ransomed the interpreter from Dutch corsairs who had kidnapped him.  How da Costa had learned Algonquin was anyone's guess; most likely he had been shipwrecked or marooned on the coast of La Cadie and had been forced to live among the natives.  His skills were highly sought after, and de Mons was lucky to have obtained the African's services.06b

De Mons's expedition reached La Cadie in early May after a swift crossing.  Gravé and the Bonne-Renommée, as planned, made landfall at Canso despite the perils of sea ice off the North American coast, while the Don-de-Dieu, on which Champlain also sailed, veered southward to avoid the ice and spotted Sable Island, still far out to sea, on May 1.  Avoiding the treacherous shoals around the sandy island, they sailed on towards the coast of La Cadie and made landfall a week later at "a headland they baptized" Cap de La Hève, where they anchored for four days.  Champlain, true to form, spent much of the time surveying the harbor and later made an accurate chart of its depths and dimensions.  Ashore, the Frenchmen encountered two large camps of Mi'kmaq, who Champlain called the Souriquois.  De Mons and his party had stumbled upon one of the Indians' favorite fishing grounds, which they frequented each summer since time immemorial.  These were not the first Europeans the peninsula Mi'kmaq had encountered.  There had been Norsemen and Basques and myriads of others; they were not even the first Frenchmen to venture here.  The Mi'kmaq responded in kind to the new arrivals, who seemed friendly enough, and even "offered to help them."06e 

Unfamiliar with these waters and wary of seaborne predators, de Mons moved the ships carefully down the coast, away from the direction of Canso, in search of a more defensible harbor.  On May 12, de Mons captured a vessel, the Levrette, or Greyhound, whose master, Jean de Rossignol of Le Havre, de Mons insisted, "was illegally trading for furs"--the first of many such interlopers he and his associates would encounter over the next few years.  Champlain named the place of the capture Port-au-Rossignol, today's Liverpool, Nova Scotia.  The next day, with the Levrette and an angry Rossignol in tow, they anchored farther down the coast in "a beautiful, sheltered bay" which they called Port-au-Mouton, after a sheep that fell off the vessel, drowned, and was promptly roasted and eaten.  De Mons set up camp on the shore of the small bay and sent some of his men in a chaloupe, with Mi'kmaq guides, to search up the coast for Gravé and the Bonne-Renommée.  On May 19, de Mons sent Champlain in an eight-ton barque to explore the coast to the southwestward in hopes of finding a settlement site; this would be the first of Champlain's many independent explorations in the region.  With the cartographer were de Mons's able secretary, Jean Ralluau, and 10 men, including Maître Simon, one of the master miners from Slavonia.  They inched their way around Cap-Nèigre towards Cap-Sable, pulling out to sea to dodge dangerous rocks and sunken obstructions and then battling rip tides and strong currents as they darted back to shore to explore the next cove--a technique Champlain called "ferreting."  While Maître Simon searched for minerals, Champlain and Ralluau examined the soil for fertility.  In a 40-mile stretch of coast, they encountered at least 10 coves and bays.  At Cap-Sable, an island marking the "extreme southeastern tip of Acadia," they found a spacious anchorage for ships of substantial size that offered "a promising place for a fort and trading post."  Rounding Cap-Sable, they made their way northward along another cove-filled coast, encountering islands that supported abundant bird life.  They feasted on their eggs.  Many of the birds were unknown to Champlain, who made careful note of their variety.  They also encountered great colonies of seals, the flesh of which Champlain found very tasty.  Typical of Europeans upon finding such abundance, they killed for pleasure as well as "the pot."  Farther up the coast they studied carefully Cap-Forchu, which Champlain named for its resemblance to the tongs of a fork, and explored the nearby harbor, today's Yarmouth, Nova Scotia.  Approaching the wide entrance to present-day St. Mary's Bay, Maître Simon discovered what they hoped were deposits of iron and silver.  They explored the narrowing bay, and at a place he called Port-Ste.-Marguerite Champlain found "an attractive site for settlement with open meadows and 'soil among the best I've ever seen.'"  The master miner also found more evidence of iron and silver.   After three weeks of diligent exploration, their provisions ran low, so Champlain turned to barque around to report to de Mons what he had discovered.  Returning the way they had come, an early summer gale nearly wrecked the vessel, but Champlain drove her ashore at a safe place.  They reached Port-au-Mouton the following day and were greeted warmly by their worried companions.  Determined to examine the coast himself, on June 16 de Mons joined Champlain in a chaloupe and led his flotilla around Cap-Sable and up the coast to Baie St.-Marie, which he explored more thoroughly.  "They found little in the way of minerals, and 'no place where we might fortify ourselves,'" Champlain recalled.  The first mishap in the venture occurred during the exploration of the north shore of Baie-Ste.-Marie.  While walking through the woods on Île Longue, today's Long Island, with a number of others, the young Father Aubry accidentally dropped his sword and left the group to look for it.  They moved on, and he lost his way.  The others, including local Mi'kmaq, searched for days without finding him.  With so much else to do, de Mons had no choice but to leave the young priest to fend for himself.06c 

After giving up Father Aubry as lost, de Mons left the larger ships in Baie-Ste.-Marie and joined, Champlain, Poutrincourt, shipwright-turned-mariner Pierre Angibault dit Champdoré, a master miner or two, and the usual contingent of sailors, in one of the chaloupes.  They sailed out of the Baie-Ste.-Marie and into the mouth of a much larger body of water, which was named, appropriately, Grand Baie Française.  Here was the Bay of Fundy, which both Fagundes and Verrazzano had sighted eight decades before.  Along the south shore of the big bay, which trended northeastward, "two leagues along the cost," de Mons directed the chaloupe into a narrow gut flanked by towering heights, and soon they entered a lovely basin surrounded by commanding hills.  Champlain describes it best:  "... 'we entered one of the most beautiful harbors I have seen on all these coasts, which would safely hold 2,000 ships.'"  He goes on:  "'From the mouth of the river to the point we reached are many prairies or meadows but these are flooded at high tide, and numbers of small creeks that cross from one side and another....  The place was the most proper and pleasant for a settlement that we had seen.'"  Poutrincourt was so enamored of the place that he later asked de Mons to grant it to him.  Back out of the gut, de Mons and his companions continued sailing northeastward along the French Bay's smooth southern shore.  They were searching now for the mineral deposits Sarcel de Prévert had discovered the year before.  They sailed into a large basin which they called the Port-des-Mines, the name evoking the presence of minerals there.  Ashore, they found evidence of copper ore.  Back in the chaloupe, they may have ventured into the basin as far east as today's Cobequid Bay, site of the highest tides recorded on the planet.  On the way out of the basin, if they had lingered at Cap d'Or, at its northern entrance, they would have found a deposit of so-called "native copper," which, according to a history of the Mi'kmaq culture, "could be found in thin sheets that can be cut and hammered into shape very easily."  Back in the Baie Française and still trending northeastward, de Mons directed the chaloupe into the mouth of another bay, called Chignecto, discovering more inlets and marsh-lined estuaries, including, perhaps, today's Cumberland Basin.  They may also have sailed into the mouth of the Baie de Chepoudy, inside of which, if the fog allowed it, they could have seen the estuaries of two tidal rivers, today's Memramcook and Petitcoudiac.  By then, de Mons and Champlain could see that the tides in the Baie Française, especially in its narrow reaches, were by far the highest any of them had encountered anywhere, including their native Saintonge.  Turning southwestward, they followed a shore as free of inlets as the one they had coasted along on the opposite side of the bay between the gut and the entrance to the Bassin-des-Mines.  Rounding a headland, they came upon the mouth of a large river, the same one that Bellenger had explored 21 years earlier and Sarcel de Prévert only a year before.  De Mons and Champlain took the time to navigate the river's narrow entrance with its dangerous reversing falls.  Waiting for the tide to come in, they shot through the falls and inspected the shores above the cataract.  By then, it was June 24, the feast day of St.-Jean-Baptiste, and so Champlain named the river after the saint--Rivière St.-Jean.  Local Indians, probably Maliseet from chief Secoudon's village at the mouth of the river, who Champlain called the Etchemin, informed them that the upper reaches of Rivière St.-Jean "offered an avenue to the St. Lawrence Valley with only a short portage."  Back out of the river on the lowering tide, de Mons, with Indian guides in tow, pushed on southwestward down a heavily indented shore and then southward to a large island at the entrance to Baie Française.  They called it Grand Manan, "after the Algonquian word for island."  They then sailed northward through an archipelago, including today's Campobello Island, and entered another bay, this one named for the local natives, the Passamaquoddy.  They sailed up an estuary that emptied into the bay, and there, below the place where three rivers form a crucifix, de Mons selected a site for his settlement.07

For a number of reasons--its defensibility, its beauty, its climate, the fertility of the soil in the area, the profusion of fish, clams, and mussels in the surrounding water, its proximity to the mouth of the Baie Française, and the villages of friendly natives on the nearby mainland--de Mons, with Champlain's approbation, picked as the site of his headquarters a wooded five-acre island in the middle of the estuary.  Another motivation in the selection of the site was the need to build shelter and plant crops as quickly as possible to sustain dozens of men over the fast-approaching winter.  The French called the islet Île Ste.-Croix, or Holy Cross Island, and the river in which it lay they named after the island.  Champlain described Île Ste.-Croix "as a natural fortress, 'eight or nine hundred paces in circumference.'  On three sides it had granite cliffs twenty to third feet high, so steep as to be virtually impassable.  On the fourth side of the island, facing downstream, they found a small crescent beach of sand and clay, guarded by granite rocky outcrops called 'nubbles,' which could bear the weight of ramparts and cannon."  De Mons and his men landed at the island on June 26, and they began to transform it into a man-made fortress.  De Mons, meanwhile, sent Champdoré back to Baie Ste.-Marie to bring the ships and the other smaller vessels across to the island.  One of the men Champdoré brought to the new settlement was the young priest, Nicolas Aubry, who had survived the Long Island wilderness for 16 days, subsisting on sorrel leaves and berries, before his fellow Frenchmen spotted him on a remote island shore.  Soon, an eight-ton barque appeared at Ste.-Croix.  It had come from Canso, where Gravé had gathered a cargo of fish and fur destined for the investors in France.  Aboard the barque were four Basque ship masters Gravé had arrested for trading illegally in de Mons's concession.  The proprietor, Champlain insists, "'treated them humanely'" and ordered them back to France.07b 

The post on Île Ste.-Croix took shape over the summer.  "Work began almost at once," a de Mons biographer tells us, "and the rate of progress indicates both the careful preparations de Monts had made in France as well as the vigour of his leadership.  Following a plan drawn by Champlain, some dozen houses were built around a court, being connected in some places by a palisaded wall so that the whole settlement resembled a fort.  ... [S]ome of these houses," including de Mons's impressive seat, at the center of the habitation, "were partially built of lumber brought from France.  In addition there were service buildings such as a storehouse, kitchen, and common living-dining hall.  Also included was a Catholic chapel.  While construction was pressed forward, gardens were planted both on the island and the mainland opposite, where the first wheat to be grown in New France was sown."07a  

In late August, as the habitation neared completion, de Mons ordered Poutrincourt and Ralluau, with Father Aubry and the Basques in tow, to return in Don-de-Dieu and Levrette to France, where he likely assumed Gravé already had gone.  They were tasked with informing the trade partners of the colony's successful establishment.  After completing their personal business, they would then return "with more men" under Gravé du Pont, as well as "provisions, tools, seedgrain and livestock," while de Mons and Champlain wintered on Île Ste.-Croix with 77 officers and men.  But De Mons's order was more easily issued than carried out.  Forced by their deeper drafts to ride at anchor at the mouth of the river, the larger vessels had to wait out a late-summer nor'easter before Poutrincourt and his crews could raise their anchors, open their sails, and hurry back to France.  After a difficult passage, while sailing in the English Channel, they "were almost wrecked on the Casquets," north of the Isle of Guernsey.  "Poutrincourt ordered the crew to help him 'shift the sails.'  They refused.  A friend of Poutrincourt wrote that 'only two or three of them did so'"--not a resounding affirmation of Poutrincourt's qualities as a leader.08c 

Champlain, meanwhile, revealed his growing maturity as an explorer as well as an ambassador to the local Indians.  While the habitation was being completed, he explored the cross-shaped river above and below the island.  At de Mons's request, Champlain turned southward "to seek the ideal site for a permanent abode" at Norembega.  In de Mons's 18-ton patache, a fully-decked, keel-built vessel specially designed for "ferreting" a rock-strewn coast, Champlain sailed with a dozen seamen, various specialists, including shipwright Champdoré, and two Indian guides, 20 men in all.  The guides were either Passamaquoddy from Rivière Ste.-Croix or Maliseet from Rivière St.-Jean--Champlain's Etchemin.  In the hold of the sturdy vessel Champlain's men packed "spares" and a month's supply of provisions.  On the deck of the patache the Etchemin stored a birch-bark canoe, and Champlain secured a skiff for close-in surveying.  On September 2, they sailed downriver to the ships' mooring and waited out a storm.  Three days later, on the 5th, the storm finally over, they continued south towards Grand Manan Island, enduring a thick coastal fog bank on the way.  Turning southwestward, they sailed along the coast of Norembega through today's Gulf of Maine.  Before the end of their first day of exploration, they rounded today's Schoodic Peninsula and came upon a large island with towering peaks, some of them bare of trees, that Champlain named Île des Monts-Déserts, today's Mount Desert Island.  Although he described the island's highest peaks as "barren" of life, the lower eminences and the rest of the island he found to be anything but an inhospitable désert.  "Champlain was fascinated by this place," one of his biographers tells us, "as many visitors have been through the centuries."  In the gloom of dusk, he guided the patache northward to the head of today's Frenchman Bay and could see that Monts-Déserts was an island indeed, separated from the mainland "by 'less than a hundred paces.'"  Before nightfall, he turned the patache southward and ferreted the island's rocky east coast, sailing past today's Bar Harbor, Maine, the summit of the highest peak, today's Cadillac Mountain, blotting out the setting sun.  They continued down to the coast towards Otter Point at the southeast tip of the island.  Somewhere off the point, the patache slammed into a hidden rocky ledge and promptly took on water.  Champlain guided the sinking vessel into a lovely cove "with a broad tidal flat of rounded pebbles," today's Otter Cove, and eased her onto her side as the tide went out.  He and his carpenters found a hole near the keel, but the keep itself and the rudder had not been damaged.  As some of the crew made repairs, others foraged the rocky shore for edibles.  It was Champlain's practice to supplement "his crew's rations with fresh food wherever he could find it."  The patache was seaworthy by the morning of the 6th, and on the rising tide they continued on their way.  During the following days, they carefully explored the southern and western shores of the big island.  When they encountered local natives in their birch-bark canoes, the Indians would maintain a safe distance, even when Champlain's Etchemin guides approached them.  On September 7, however, probably still off of the big island, local natives approached the patache to speak with their fellow natives and exchange presents with the strangers.  They offered to take them to their chief, on a river they called Pentagouët.  Champlain followed them through the Western Way past an imposing island off to seaward that he named Île-au-Haut, and soon they entered Penobscot Bay.  After rounding Deer and Ilesboro islands, they sailed upriver past the site of lovely Castine, Maine, into the Pentagouët's magnificent narrows.  Ignoring the Indian name for the river, Champlain called it Norumbega.  Today it bears another Indian name, Penobscot.  Past the site of today's Bucksport, Maine, which Champlain admired, the patache continued upriver a substantial distance to the head of navigation--a waterfall "two hundred paces wide and seven or eight feet high," at the center of today's Bangor, Maine.  They anchored the patache near a magnificent grove of old oaks and explored the surrounding countryside.  Soon natives appeared, likely of the Penobscot nation.  A dignified sagamore, called Bessabez, Betsabes, or Bashaba, arrived with his entourage.  The other Indians began to dance and sing.  A second sagamore, named Cabahis, arrived with a smaller entourage.  Champlain noticed that the followers of Cabahis sat apart from those of Bessabez, but both contingents welcomed the French, the canoeists already having spread the word that the strangers had come in peace.  On a level piece of ground at the confluence of today's Kenduskeag and Penobscot, in downtown Bangor, Champlain met with the Indian leaders, approaching them with a small entourage of two Frenchmen and two interpreters so as not to frighten them.  He nevertheless sensed the potential for trouble and positioned his crewmen, weapons loaded but out of sight, in such a way that they could retreat to the patache under fire if the occasion demanded it.  Pleased with the Frenchman's soldierly bearing and what they understood he had said to them, Bessabez beckoned him to sit down amongst them.  Champlain then endured his second tabagie in as many years, though this one was much smaller than the bacchanal he had witnessed at Tadoussac the year before.  More speeches followed, more exchanges of gifts, more singing, dancing, feasting, and smoking the pipe of peace, into the night.  At dawn, the French and Indians bartered for beaver skins and trade goods and then went their separate ways.  Cabahis, however, agreed to accompany his new French friends in their impressive boat as far downriver as present-day Belfast, Maine.  On the way down, Champlain took the opportunity to query the sagamore about tales of a city of gold called Norumbega, of which Cabahis evinced no knowledge.  Concluding that the tale likely was pure fiction, and not being there to search for gold, Champlain pressed him for more important information--the nature of the region's rivers and lakes.  Cabahis described a portage from the head of the Pentagouët leading to a tributary of the St. Lawrence River.  Champlain asked about the next big river to the west, which the Indians called Qui-ni-be-guy.  Cabahis informed him that the head of this river also, today's Kennebec, could be portaged to the St. Lawrence River.  Champlain now possessed "a clear idea" about the real Norembega.  Back in Penobscot Bay, Champlain sailed southwestward towards the mouth of the Kennebec, which he called the Norumbega, but foul weather, a contrary wind, and diminishing supplies prevented him from going any farther than the peninsula at Pemaquid.  They turned about on September 23, and, taking advantage of the prevailing westerly winds--"the origin of the expression 'down east' in Maine"--they returned to Île Ste-Croix on October 2, a month to the day after they had left it.  Though the coast of Norumbega had been explored by Verrazzano and Gômez eight decades before, and Gômez had ascended the Penobscot as far as Champlain had done, the region had never been so thoroughly charted.  Moreover, Champlain's treatment of the Indians was the antithesis of the Spaniard's brutal actions.  Champlain had found no suitable site for settlement, so his exploration was not a glowing success, but he nonetheless was eager to return to the place where he had secured the trust of the local natives.08b 

When he returned to de Mons's island, Champlain found the habitation completed.  But Île Ste.-Croix soon revealed its inadequacies as a suitable site for settlement.  The sandy soil held no water, so they could not sink a well.  Rain, which fell too infrequently, failed to nourish the garden crops.  Only wheat sown on the mainland, farther upriver, produced a crop.  The fish and shellfish became the staple of their diet.  Winter came sooner, and harder, than expected.  Snow fell during the first week of October, and by early December ice floated past on the river.  No more rain fell, only snow.  Deep snow, four feet of it still on the ground in late April, thick ice on the river, heavy winds, biting cold, and the poor condition of their boats, transformed the island into a virtual prison.  If anyone had thought that moving the trading venture south of the St. Lawrence valley would mean milder winters, the experience at Île Ste.-Croix proved otherwise.  "'It is difficult to know the country without having wintered there,'" Champlain averred.  "With supplies of fresh food exhausted, they were reduced to salt meat; fresh water was scarce and melted snow had to be used as a substitute."  In March 1605, a band of Passamaquoddy appeared and exchanged meat for bread, which noticeably improved the Frenchmen's diet, but by then it was too late for many of them.  Poor food and water, combined with forced idleness, proved disastrous.  By spring, which finally came in May, nearly half of the 79 men on Île Ste.-Croix had died of scurvy.  De Mons had expected Gravé to return from France by April, but even before then he was certain that the isolated little island was no place to spend another winter.  In May, he ordered the construction of two chaloupes of seven and 15 tons each to take them to Gaspé, on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where they were sure to find a ship to take them home.  Finally, "an hour before midnight on 15 June 1605," Gravé and Ralluau appeared at Île Ste.-Croix with two ships full of essential supplies and 40 reinforcements.08

The colony was saved.  

.

Determined to widen his search for a more hospitable settlement site, de Mons turned his attention southward, to Norumbega.  From June 18 to August 3, he repeated Champlain's late-summer voyage to that coast.  With him were Mi'kmaq chief Panounias and his wife, an Almouchiquois, serving as interpreters, and perhaps Etchemin chief Secoudon, who was interested in establishing better relations with the Almouchiquois.  Also aboard de Mons's patache were Champlain, 20 sailors, shipwright Champdoré, and "'several gentlemen-adventurers,'" bringing the party "to a total of about thirty souls."  The first days of the voyage quickly revealed the difference in leadership styles between de Mons and Champlain.  The sieur was not as disciplined as the geographer in the use of time and resources.  It took this expedition two weeks to travel the same distance that Champlain, even with a punctured hull, had sailed in two days in the same kind of vessel.  If de Mons and his gentlemen companions saw an island that was interesting, they lingered there, to the detriment of the local wildlife.  At Île des Monts-Déserts, which Champlain had deemed unsuitable for settlement and which "offered no access to the interior," de Mons insisted on lingering for several days so that he could study the place, while his gentlemen-adventurers enjoyed the island's wonders.  On the western side of Penobscot Bay, near today's Owl's Head Point, natives finally appeared.  Three of them offered to lead them to their chief, whose village lay on the lower Kennebec.  De Mons agreed, but no tabagie followed; his relations with the Indians remained formal and aloof, in sharp contrast to Champlain's openness.  They left Owl's Head on the first of July and followed the Indians--likely Almouchiquois--the 25 leagues past Pemaquid to the mouth of the Kennebec, reaching that point in a single day.  During the following week, they followed their hosts "through an astonishing maze of meandering channels that connected three major rivers in mid-coast Maine:  the Kennebec (by the modern city of Bath); the Sheepscot to the east (Wiscasset), and the Androscoggin River to the west (Brunswick)," which gave the Frenchmen a good idea of the magnificence of the Kennebec estuary.  On the Sheepscot near present-day Wiscasset, a sagamore named Manthoumermer came out in his canoe to greet them.  Panounias's wife spoke with him, and he made a long-winded speech "expressing pleasure" at seeing them and desiring an alliance.  Manthoumermer promised to send word to fellow leaders Marchin and Sasinou, the latter addressed as "'chief of the Kennebec.'"  De Mons "responded with small gifts of hardtack and dried peas," but, again, he did not bother to come ashore and endure a tabagie with his new ally.  The Indians guides then led the patache back to the ocean via a longer, even more complex and difficult passage via today's Merrymeeting Bay, where the meeting with Marchin and Sasinou was to have taken place.  They waited in vain for the sagamores to appear:  "Things were not going well with the Indians, and the guides gave them no explanation," one of Champlain's biographers tells us.  De Mons had failed "to establish a rapport with them or build a basis for friendship."  Back at the mouth of the Kennebec by July 8, they continued sailing southwestward to present-day Casco Bay, from which they could see off to the north some very high mountains--the White Mountains of today's New Hampshire.  They spent the night near present-day Portland, Maine, and on September 10 reached today's Saco, which the Etchemin called Choüacoet.  There they met another local native leader, young Honemechin of the Almouchiquois.  Unfortunately, Panounias, a Mi'kmaq, could barely communicate with the young sagamore, and Panounias's wife, an Almouchiquois, "had suddenly disappeared" when they needed her most.  Leaving de Mons and his companions aboard the patache, Champlain went ashore to inspect the Almouchiquois fields of corn, beans, squash, and tobacco.  They were one of the few nations in Norembega who practiced sedentary agriculture, and Champlain was thoroughly impressed with them, which would only have heightened his frustration over his inability to communicate effectively enough to secure an alliance.  Back on the ocean, de Mons sailed southward, now, along a coast less rocky and more sandy.  At dusk of the same day, they reached what Champlain called Cap-aux-Îles or the Island Cape, present-day Cape Ann.  Failing to find an anchorage for the night, they pressed on into Massachusetts Bay, reaching the site of present-day Boston as the sun came up.  De Mons remained aboard the patache and sent Champlain ashore to communicate with the local Indians, a nation called the Massachusetts, as best he could.  Now beyond the linguistic competence of their Mi'kmaq guides, Champlain was forced to employ sign language.  The Massachusetts were friendly and eager to trade.  Champlain presented each of them with a knife, and they danced with glee.  He then coaxed them into drawing with a piece of charcoal the streams and inlets of the area.  Their crude sketch depicted, among other things, present-day Charles River and the Back Bay of Boston, then a scrawny peninsula.  Champlain, ever observant, noticed that south of the Island Cape the Indians used pirogues, or dugouts, instead of birch-bark canoes, to get about.  He agreed to try to steer one of their dugouts, with limited success, much to the amusement of his hosts.  He also noted that the Indians below the Island Cape tended to wear clothes of grass and hemp, not skins or fur.  Champlain would have remained a while longer to secure their friendship, but de Mons insisted on hurrying on.  They encountered large numbers of Indians in Massachusetts Bay, and Champlain concluded that this part of Norembega was more populous than the regions up the coast.  Champlain took a small boat ashore to distribute more gifts of trade knives and biscuits, but the language barrier prevented him from learning the name of their leaders or the sites of their villages.  On July 17, they sailed out of Massachusetts Bay and followed the coast, now trending southeastward, past Scituate to present-day Brant Point, where more Indians came out in dugouts to greet them.  This time a chief appeared; Champlain called him Honabetha.  They exchanged food, but their attempts at communication failed.  The following day, de Mons directed the patache past Gurnet Point and into Plymouth Bay, where the Indians, perhaps the Wampanoag, again were numerous and friendly.  Some of them were returning in large dugouts from a fishing expedition down the coast, displaying codfish they had caught on hooks made of bone tied to lines of hemp.  Crossing the mouth of a large bay, de Mons and his men made their way eastward to a long sandy peninsula they called, appropriately, Cap-Blanc, or White Cape, today's Cape Cod.  They were much impressed with the wooded terrain rising above the large white dunes, "'very delightful and pleasant to the eye," Champlain described it.08a 

On the 20th, now over a month into the venture, they rounded the cape and re-entered the North Atlantic.  Sailing south again along a sandy coast, they slipped carefully into a shoal-plagued harbor with "'breakers on every side.'"  Champlain named it Mallebarre, or Bad Bar, today's Nauset Harbor.  More dancing Indians appeared.  Champlain went ashore to greet them and was impressed with their beauty and their impeccable grooming, especially among the women and girls.  De Mons must have been impressed with them as well; he agreed to leave the patache and visit their village.  Perhaps here was a better site for settlement, so it was worth his time and effort to inspect the place.  On their march to the Nauset village, de Mons and his 10 or so men at arms helped themselves freely to the native's crops, without permission.  At the village, de Mons asked about the harshness of the winters, and the Indians explained as best they could that the harbor never froze over and the snow fell to a depth of about a foot.  The natives had noted the boorish attitude of de Mons and his men in their march to the village, could not help but noticing that they had come bearing arms "as if for war," and so "their tone began to change."  A few days later, on July 23, a party of Frenchmen came ashore to gather fresh water with large metal pots.  A Nauset, envying the shiny implement, snatched one of the pots from a Frenchman and ran away.  The Frenchman pursued but could not catch him.  Other Nauset appeared to investigate the matter.  The other Frenchmen, thinking the natives were acting in "a menacing way," fled back to the patache, yelling for their fellows to open fire on their pursuers.  Unfortunately, several Nauset were aboard the vessel on a friendly visit.  Seeing the Frenchmen fleeing in panic and realizing the danger of the situation, they jumped into the ocean and swam for their lives.  French sailors caught one of them, inviting retaliation.  Meanwhile, the Indians ashore fired a volley of arrows into the Frenchman who had pursued the thieving Indian and finished him off with their knives, perhaps recently acquired in trade with the French, and hurried in pursuit of the other Frenchmen.  Champlain, aboard the vessel, rallied the crew and hurried ashore to rescue the survivors of the watering party.  While laying down a covering fire, Champlain's arquebus exploded in his hands, injuring him badly.  The Nauset fled, the French pursued, but they had no chance of catching them.  After the watering party was rescued, the dead man, a carpenter from St.-Malo, was buried on the beach.  After regaining control of his wrought-up men, de Mons ordered the release of the blameless captive and lingered at Mallebarre for two more days, hoping to make amends with the natives.  But the Nauset and their neighbors "were now openly hostile and made clear that the French should go."  On July 24, De Mons ordered the patache out to sea, keeping clear of the Massachusetts coast.  They nevertheless could see many signal fires, no doubt spreading the word of their conflict with the Nauset.  They stopped again at Saco and Kennebec, hoping to make an alliance with Sasinou, but again the sagamore did not appear.  An Indian named Anassou, with whom they bartered for furs and could communicate, informed de Mons that another ship, 10 leagues away, had been engaging in fishing when its crewmen killed five Indians from Kennebec.  De Mons and Champlain assumed that the intruders were English, which proved correct; George Weymouth, captain of Archangel, and his men, had kidnapped, not killed, the five Kennebec when they approached in their canoes to greet them.  The brutality of the English on earlier voyages had alienated the regional Indians, but the incident at Mallebarre denied the French any hopes of settling in Massachusetts.  Nor did de Mons find along the coast of Norembega an alternative site for the colony's headquarters.  The weeks-long venture proved to be a bust, the proprietor and the geographer achieving "none of their goals," one of Champlain's biographers concludes.08d

Back at Ste.-Croix by the first week of August, de Mons was certain now that his new seat should arise not to the south but at a place he had visited the year before--the lovely basin across the great French bay that one could reach only via a narrow gut.  There, in the summer of 1605, de Mons established permanent headquarters for his Acadian venture at a place Champlain had named Port-Royal.    Using materials from the structures on Île Ste.-Croix, de Mons and his men erected a small quadrilateral-shaped wooden "fort" 60 feet long and 48 feet wide, its outer walls, 200 feet in circumstance, completely surrounding its many buildings.  A bastion large enough to support four guns stood at the lower downriver corner of the fort, and a bastion for musketeers stood above the gate on the upriver end of the structure.  The new habitation stood on the crest of a hill along the north side of the basin, opposite Île-aux-Chèvres, today's Goat Island, and "resembled a fortified farming hamlet in France."  The buildings inside the fort were carefully arranged "to maintain social rank and internal order," including the sieur de Mons's pre-fabricated house brought over piece by piece from Île Ste.-Croix.  Besides houses and dormitories for the residents, as well as a new barracks for the Swiss mercenaries, the buildings included a bakery, a kitchen, a blacksmith shop, "and a 'maisonette' for small boats and rigging."  The magasin, or storehouse, with his six-foot cellar, stood on the northeast side of the habitation and held the company's "stock of wine, cider, grain, and other provisions."  Outside the wooden palisade stood a protective earthen glacis and, beyond, across the slopes and on natural terraces, the gardens, fields, and meadows that would help sustain them.  Nearby stood the village of a bearded Mi'kmaq sagamore named Membertou, who, with most of his people, about 400 in number, welcomed the Frenchmen and their trade goods.09b 

Heeding reports from home that his trading company was in financial difficulty, de Mons left for France in September.  With him went Jean Ralluau, a cargo of furs, and exotic gifts for the King, including a red-painted birch-bark canoe, a six-month-old moose, a caribou, a set of moose antlers, a muskrat, a humming bird still alive in a cage, assorted stuffed birds found nowhere in France, a collection of Indian weapons, "and other marvels for the royal collection."  De Mons had hoped to leave Sieur d'Orville, "a gentleman of some social standing" who had survived the winter at Île Ste.-Croix, in charge of the habitation, but the aging gentleman fell sick, and Gravé du Pont took charge of the post.  Also remaining were Champlain, who was not yet done with his explorations and who shared de Mons's house with his friend Gravé; Champdoré the shipwright; a surgeon named Deschamps; the curé and his nemesis, the Protestant minister; and 40 or so others, many of them survivors of the previous winter.  Champlain "built a sluice in order to stock his own trout," and "took 'a particular pleasure' in gardening."  He also continued his explorations for mines.  That fall, with Gravé's encouragement, Champlain returned to the Bassin-des-Mines.  With him were master miner Jacques of Slavonia and, most importantly, Etchemin sagamore Secoudon who had assisted Sarcel de Prévert two years earlier.  From his village on the lower St.-Jean, Secoudon led Champlain and Maître Jacques to an outcropping of copper at the entrance to the basin.  Champlain duly noted the quality of the ore.  Jacques, meanwhile, found an even richer source of the mineral below the tide line, which required him to wait for the ebbing tide to chip away at the vein of what he called "'rose copper.'"  Dissatisfied with what they had found, Champlain tried again.  Guided by Mi'kmaq chief Messamouet and some of his warriors, he returned to Baie Française "in a pinnace of five or six tons, manned by nine sailors."  They found two deposits between Île Ste.-Croix and Rivière St.-Jean, but neither of them contained copper of any purity.  That winter, 1605-06, in his "work-room among the trees," a kind of gazebo structure, Champlain reviewed the notes from his journeys in the Baie Française and down the coast and planned to return to Norumbega the following spring.09

When Champlain returned from his search for minerals, he was shocked to see symptoms of scurvy among some of the 45 men at Port-Royal even before the winter set in.  To supplement the habitation's adequate grain and dried meat supply, Champlain secured wild game from the Mi'kmaq.  Luckily, the first snow did not fall until the third week of December, a sign that this winter might be less severe than the previous one.  Nevertheless, at least a dozen men died of scurvy, including the curé and the Huguenot minister, and five did not recover until the spring--not as many as had died the winter before, "but still very cruel."  Despite the shorter winter, the death toll may have been higher if Membertou's people had not taken in several of the sick Frenchmen.  One suspects that the Indians' more natural diet, as well as their "antiscorbutic plants and herbal remedies," preserved the lives of the lucky Frenchmen who occupied their wigwams.  With the arrival of spring, Gravé and Champlain explored the coast southward again in hopes of finding a settlement site with a milder climate, but foul weather and a near disaster plagued their efforts.  They had set out in one of the barques mid-March and were returning to Port-Royal during the second week of April when Champdoré, whose skills as a pilot did not match his gifts as a shipwright, nearly wrecked the vessel on a rocky shore not far from the gut.  Only Champlain's quick thinking saved the officers and crew, all of whom returned to the habitation on April 10.  To their chagrin, they found that the re-supply from France still had not arrived, and shortages were beginning to plague the winter's survivors.  The wine gave out first and then other provisions.  Champlain attempted to feed the settlement with what he could grow along the basin.  He laid out new gardens, traces of which can still be seen today.  As mid-summer approached with still no sign of the re-supply, Gravé had to make a hard decision.  Unwilling to face another winter with what their meager gardens or Membertou's people could provide them, Gravé, with Champlain and most of the remaining settlers, chose to abandon the isolated outpost; two intrepid Frenchmen named La Taille and Miquelet agreed "to stay behind as caretakers of the fort."  On July 17, in the two barques de Mons had left them, Gravé led the party out the gut and towards Canso, the fishermen’s rendezvous on the Atlantic side of the peninsula.  There they hoped to meet a ship that could take them back to France; they were even prepared to sail as far as the Gulf of St. Lawrence to find a fishing vessel that could take them out of the country.09a 

The fishing trade at Canso and other harbors along the Acadian coasts had been flourishing for decades.  "First in dozens, then in scores, and finally in hundreds," fishermen from western Europe "came to the coast of Newfoundland and gradually to the offshore banks and the coasts of Greater Acadia in search of codfish" throughout the sixteenth century.  "Norman and Breton, West-country English and Basque, Spanish and Portuguese, they gradually added to the technique of packing the cod down in heavy salt on their vessels (the ‘green’ or ‘wet’ fishery) the practice of curing their catch on shore, in the open air soon after catching, with much less salt.  This (the ‘dry’ fishery) made a more valuable product and required landing on, and learning the nature of, the rocky Atlantic shoreline.  Disembarking only briefly in the summers at first, they began to find the shore phase of their work important enough to require leaving men to winter in the new land in order to protect structures and to prepare for the following season….  We have records of many who virtually lived their lives in such a fishery and whose knowledge of the coasts of today’s Atlantic Canada must often have been profound.  [Marc] Lescarbot described a meeting at Canso, in 1607, with a French fisherman who was on his forty-second annual voyage to the area."  They also harvested other species of marine life that flourished in North Atlantic waters:  salmon, sea sturgeon, sea trout, herring, sardines, eels, whales of every kind, walruses and seals.  Despite the plethora of nationalities, cultures, and languages among them and the dynastic and imperial wars raging back in their home countries, the seasonal fishermen of the Atlantic coast managed to keep the peace amongst themselves.  They "belonged to a social class which had nothing to gain by becoming involved in war ....  They did not quarrel with each other, though each race preferred the company of men of their own language.  So, without making any national claim, each national group adopted a particular harbour as its own center.  The Spanish took Sydney Harbour" on Cape Breton Island, which the French called Baie-des-Espagnols; the English preferred present-day Louisbourg, also on Cape Breton, called Havre-à-l'Anglois by the French; and the French preferred Canso and Cap-Forchu north of Cap-Sable.  In the summer of 1606, then, only the fishermen working in their scattered stations could have rescued de Mons's beleaguered colonists.10 

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Poutrincourt, who had stayed in France in 1605, was named lieutenant-governor of Port-Royal in 1606.  Upon his request, de Mons granted him "'the seigneury of Port-Royal and adjacent lands'" in late February, with the stipulation that he plant a colony there within two years.  Poutrincourt could not wait that long--he "had yet another vision of Acadia," historian David Hackett Fischer informs us.  "He hoped to found a feudal utopia in the new world, which he and his family could rule in a benevolent way, for the good of the whole."  Poutrincourt left La Rochelle aboard the 150-ton Jonas in May 1606 with supplies and more men for his Acadian venture.  De Mons, meanwhile, would remain in France to take on new partners and do battle at court with his powerful detractors.  Before Poutrincourt sailed, he also made certain that the re-supply was more than adequate for the colony's needs.  With Poutrincourt was de Mons's trusted secretary, Jean Ralluau, who would look after the proprietor's interests.  After a failed attempt to get clear of La Rochelle harbor, Poutrincourt finally made it to the open sea, but, because of contrary winds, the crossing took longer than usual.  He reached Canso in July, several months behind schedule, and hurried Ralluau in a chaloupe to Port-Royal to inform the settlers of his arrival.10c 

While the Jonas was approaching Canso at the end of its two-month-long crossing, Gravé, Champlain, and the others nearly perished in their attempt to reach the fishing rendezvous.  They spent the night of July 18, at the end of their first day out of Port-Royal, at anchor off Île Longue at the entrance to Baie-Ste.-Marie.  The rising tide snapped an anchor chain on one of the vessels.  Miraculously, the barque drifted not onto the nearby rocks, where certain destruction awaited, but out into the bay, where their luck changed dramatically.  A "sharp squall" churned up high seas that "smashed their rudder irons," but, as Champlain noted, Champdoré redeemed himself by "'cleverly'" mending "'the rudder.'"  They were near starvation as they approached Cap-Sable when a sail appeared on the horizon.  It was Ralluau, who informed them of Poutrincourt's arrival.  Replenished with what food Ralluau could give them, Gravé and the others returned to Port-Royal, and Poutrincourt joined them there by July 27.10d 

The Jonas brought seeds, fruit trees, and domestic animals, including cattle, swine, sheep, pigeons, and poultry, to set up an agricultural base in Poutrincourt's new seigneurie.  Unfortunately, Old World rats also arrived aboard the Jonas and escaped into the countryside, infesting not only the habitation, but also the nearby Mi'kmaq village with its meager food supply  Also aboard the "veritable ark" were 50 or so new settlers to add to the two dozen already there.  Among the new arrivals was Robert Gravé du Pont, the navigator's 21-year-old son, who, according to Champlain, "was 'favoured with a splendid physique, good looks, and an alert, practical intelligence,'" not unlike his famous father.  Robert also was a free spirit who quarreled with Poutrincourt and other leaders.  Louis Hébert, one of Poutrincourt's in-laws, hailed from "a family of prosperous merchant-apothecaries and spice dealers" and was himself a master pharmacist and amateur horticulturist.  Poutrincourt's older son, Charles de Biencourt, only 15 years old, also came along.  Among the ship's company were widower Claude de Saint-Étienne de La Tour of Champagne, and his 14-year-old son Charles.  Born Nicolas dit Claude Turgis, son of a master mason of Paris, the charming Claude had secured a most fortunate marriage to Marie de Salazar, widow of Paul de Verrines de Vouraches of Champagne and a kinswoman of Jeanne de Salazar, Poutrincourt's mother  The marriage granted to the humble Turgis not only landed estates, but also two noble de's.  But it was not enough.  According to one of son Charles's biographers, Claude came to Acadia in hopes of finding mineral wealth, having sold some of his dead wife's property in Champagne in order to pay the passage for himself and his son.  Another newcomer was Marc Lescarbot, who, like the others, would contribute much to the history of the colony.  Lescarbot was Poutrincourt's "lawyer, literary companion, and family friend," and also an acquaintance of the sieur de Mons.  He had left his native Paris after "he had suffered a wrong at the hands of corrupt judges ... and decided to 'flee' to Acadia as a place of refuge for those who 'love justice, and hate iniquity.'"  He was more than a lawyer.  One of Champlain's biographers describes him as "another Renaissance man--a living example of its ideal of the uomo universale, the universal man.  Lescarbot was a poet, playwright, historian, and man of learning, steeped in humanistic values and widely read in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Italian, and his native French.  His first love was classical literature, and his dream was to emulate its glories in the modern era."  This made him a welcome companion not only to Poutrincourt, but also to the settlements other Renaissance man, Samuel de Champlain.  Also coming to the colony were a surgeon named Estienne; a repairer of firelocks named Jean Duval; three young journeymen carpenters, Jehan Pussot and Simon Barguin from Rheims, and Guillaume Richard from Lusignon, Poitou.  Three journeymen woodcutters--Antoine Esnault from Montdidier, Picardy; Michel Destrez from Magney en Vexi; and Michel Genson from Troyes, Champagne--were skilled in the essential art of charcoal production.  Poutrincourt also brought along assorted unskilled workers, members of the French lower classes to whom gentlemen like Lescarbot showed only contempt; Lescarbot, in fact, referred to the colony's new workers as "a wild bunch."  Again, there were no women among the new settlers.  Interestingly, Poutrincourt brought no priests or ministers with him, having failed to induce any of them to risk their lives in the Acadian wilderness.10e 

Unfortunately for the colony's economic health, Poutrincourt's arrival so late in the season hurt the fur-trading operation; "the party arrived ... to find that the bulk of the good furs had already been taken by Basque interlopers," one of de Mons's biographers tells us.  In late August, having lingered at Port-Royal for barely a month, the Jonas returned to France, with François Gravé du Pont in command this time; Jean Ralluau also was aboard.  Champlain, for the third straight year, remained in the colony, a willing participant in Poutrincourt's venture.  Also remaining was Champdoré, who had played a part in the colony since its beginning; and the sieur de Boullay, "a captain in Pourtrincourt's regiment," who had come to the colony the year before.  "Poutrincourt gave Port-Royal a different tone from other feudal utopias in America, which were strongly collectivist," historian David Hackett Fischer informs us.  Under the seigneur's supervision, "A lime kiln was built, a forge set up and charcoal made for it, and paths were cut from the settlement to the fields and the valley.  Tradesmen of many kinds spent a brief part of the day at their trades," fulfilling the collectivist part of the venture, "the rest of it fishing, hunting, and gathering shellfish," as their individual needs dictated.  The same held true for the unskilled workers, who were expected to dig drainage ditches, widen the moat, or perform other such tasks for "two or three hours" before tending their own gardens, joining the others at fishing, hunting, or gathering, or bartering for food with the Indians the rest of the day--the kind of individual freedom enjoyed only by noblemen back in France.  And the two teenaged noblemen were put to work.  Biencourt and Charles La Tour were encouraged to spend as much time as they could among the Mi'kmaq to learn their skills on land and water and especially to master their language.  Biencourt, in fact, became so well-versed in the Mi'kmaq tongue that he served as his father's interpreter.  Looking to the needs of everyone, Poutrincourt ordered some of the colonists to plant a crop of wheat on a natural meadow upriver from the habitation.  He also ordered them to onstruct a water-driven grist mill--the first of its kind in North America--on the upper reaches of a north-flowing stream that fell into the river near the wheat field Poutrincourt and the other leaders "were quick to discover that settlers were more productive when they worked for their own gain," a Champlain biographer notes.  "These two ideals, feudal and entrepreneurial, coexisted at Port-Royal."10a 

After seeing to the needs of his colonists, in early September Poutrincourt ordered Champlain to accompany him on yet another venture down the coast to scout out potential settlement sites.  This would be Poutrincourts's first voyage to Norumbega, and Champlain's third.  Poutrincourt left Lescarbot in charge at Port-Royal, such was his faith in the lawyer turned colonist.  Evidently Poutrincourt thought less of Champlain's judgment.  The geographer advised the seigneur to wait until the barque he had chosen for the expedition could be properly repaired.  His eyes on the calendar, Poutrincourt insisted that the barque was seaworthy enough to be repaired on the way.  He took along the trusty Champdoré, "several artisans, a 'store of planks,' and a shallop,'" satisfied that these measures would suffice.  Also aboard were Etchemin chief Secoudon and Mi'kmaq sagamore Messamouet, who Poutrincourt would take along on a diplomatic mission.  Champlain preferred to sail straight down to Mallebarre, past a coast already twice explored, and then push on south to the 40th degree of latitude or even farther south, "revisiting on our return the entire coast at our leisure."  Poutrincourt chose, instead, to repeat the previous voyages down to Massachusetts.  The left Port-Royal on September 5, but their progress was slow, having to stop several times to repair the leaking barque before going on their way.  They then took an unnecessary detour that wasted more precious time.  At the abandoned habitation at Île Ste.-Croix, which Poutrincourt insisted on visiting, they found wheat and vegetables still growing in the sandy soil.  Losing more time exploring what Champlain and the sieur de Mons already had thoroughly investigated, it took them 16 days to reach Saco, where Poutrincourt hoped to heal the differences between the Mi'kmaq and the Almouchiquois.  Messamouet and Secouton represented their respective nations, and chiefs Onemechin and Marchin stood for the Almouchiquois.  The meeting was a disaster; the chiefs parted in anger, more determined than ever to war against one another.  Matters only got worse farther down the coat.  From Saco they sailed down to Cap-aux-Îles--Cape Anne--and into an excellent harbor they called Beauport, today's Gloucester, Massachusetts, where they stopped to repair the leaky barque.  Hundreds of Indians gathered and appeared friendly at first, but they spurned the gifts the French offered them and approached them menacingly the following day.  Alone, Champlain ran ahead and coaxed them into putting aside their weapons and dancing with him, but Poutrincourt appeared with a phalanx of musketeers, and the Indians grabbed their weapons and scurried away.  Word reached the Frenchmen that hundreds of more natives were coming, so Poutrincourt ordered the barque out to sea, and they sailed through night in the direction of Cape Cod.  They reached Cape Cod Bay the following morning and explored the western side of the peninsula.  Champlain was pleased with what he saw--cornfields, meadows, lovely beaches, pleasant coves, "'fine stands of trees.'"  They lingered at an excellent harbor they called Port-aux-Huistres--today's Wellfleet, Massachusetts--and then, as de Mons and Champlain had done the year before, rounded the cape to the ocean side and sailed south along the littoral.  They passed Mallebarre with its unpleasant memories and sailed down to a place they called Port-Fortuné, today's Stage Harbor at Chatham, Massachusetts.  Poutrincourt's barque, still prone to leaking, damaged its rudder at the harbor's entrance, but they managed to maneuver it to a safe anchorage, where Champdoré worked his wonders again.  Indicating an intention to remain for a while, Poutrincourt ordered his men to build an oven on the beach.  Gathering firewood without permission, they began to bake bread.  The extended stay allowed Champlain to investigate the local villages, where his engaging manner extracted much information from the natives.  Champlain was convinced that this was a fine place for a settlement, but Poutrincourt's hard-handed manner with the natives soon alienated the occupants of these villages as well.10b 

They were still at Port-Fortuné at the end of the second week of October when Poutrincourt came ashore with his usual armed contingent and erected a cross on the beach.  More crosses were erected here and there, and the Indians rightly perceived them as symbols of '"possession.'"  Champlain also erected crosses in the area, but not until he had invited the local natives to participate in the ritual.  As tensions between the natives and the Frenchmen mounted, Poutrincourt ordered his men to return to the barque each nightfall.  Four of them, likely led by locksmith Jean Duval, who had proved to be an inveterate troublemaker, refused to return to the boat for the night, preferring to tend the oven on the beach.  Poutrincourt attempted to assert his authority, but only one of them returned to the ship.  Worse yet, two others defied him and joined their fellows at the oven.  Their disobedience cost them dearly.  A party of Nauset, the same Indians de Mons had alienated the year before, may have shadowed the expedition after it passed Mallebarre and encouraged the malcontents at Port-Fortuné, likely members of the same tribe, to drive away the French.  Seeing an opportunity, early on the morning of October 15, 400 natives, by Champlain's estimate, attacked the Frenchmen sleeping on the beach and killed or wounded all of them.  The troublemaker Duval, to the chagrin of some of the others, survived the fight with an arrow in his chest.  A party of Frenchmen, including Champlain, Poutrincourt, Biencourt, apothecary Hébert, and Robert Gravé du Pont, rushed ashore with arms at the ready and did what they could to drive off the Indians.  During the struggle, the young Gravé du Pont, while returning fire, lost a hand when his firearm exploded.  The Indians, armed with only bows, arrows, and spears, fled before the fire of muskets and pistols.  "'All we could do was carry off the bodies and bury them near the cross,'" Champlain lamented.  During the hasty burial, the native warriors "'did dance and howl a-far off,'" Champlain recalled.  Determined to drive the interlopers away, the natives returned to the beach once the Frenchmen were aboard their vessel.  The Frenchmen fired back at them, but the Indians expertly eluded their projectiles.  In full view of the Frenchmen, they tore down the cross and dug up the bodies of the unfortunate sailors.  Under cover of arms, a force of Frenchmen returned to the beach to rebury their comrades, but the Indians dug them up again and made gestures of contempt within range of the Frenchmen's weapons.  Some of the Frenchmen, perhaps without their officers' permission, set up an ambush to capture some of the warriors in order to torture them, but the natives, old hands at this kind of warfare, managed to kill more of Poutrincourt's men.  The bloodshed on the beach at Port-Fortuné ended once and for all any plans for French settlement in the region.  Poutrincourt and his men left the harbor the day after their clash with the natives and sailed south into today's Nantucket Sound until their sails no longer were visible from shore.  Turning north, they endured "more misadventures at sea," including another mishap with the barque's rudder, which Champdoré managed to make serviceable again.10f 

After weeks of effort during which nothing of substance was accomplished and in fact pushed the Frenchmen closer to ruin, Poutrincourt and the survivors of his ill-fated venture "limped back into" Port-Royal by mid-November, on the eve of another Acadian winter.  To their amazement, and amusement, Lescarbot and company welcomed them at the shore with a spectacle entitled Le Théâtre de Neptune--the first recorded theatrical production performed in New France.  The cast of Lescarbot's masque included Neptune, played by Lescarbot himself, six Tritons, four "Indians," a trumpeter, and a drummer.  The production ended with the French and Indians "dwelling together in peace"--appropriate vis-à-vis their relationship with Membertou's Mi'kmaq, but sadly ironic in light of what Poutrincourt's expedition had just endured in Massachusetts.10g

Luckily for everyone, the winter of 1606-07 at Port-Royal was milder than the previous ones.  To keep the company well fed, thus avoiding scurvy, and to combat boredom, L'Ordre de Bon-Temps, or the Order of Good Times, which Champlain had created soon after returning from the voyage down the coast, included in its membership not only the French notables who shared Poutrincourt's table, but also Membertou and some of his Mi'kmaq.  Poutrincourt, touted by one historian as "'North America's first [musical] composer,'" wrote secular and religious pieces, which he performed inside the habitation or out in the open, and Lescarbot wrote more plays to enhance the company's good cheer.  "They had a good winter," Andrew Hill Clark attests, "and toward the end of March started sowing seeds" in anticipation of another harvest.11

Then court politics threatened the colony's existence.  In late May 1607, as Poutrincourt and the colonists prepared for another year at Port-Royal, "a barque du port of about six or seven tons, flying a French ensign," under command of a young Malouin named Chevalier, brought disturbing news to the settlement:  the King had withdrawn de Mons’s concessions in New France.  The year before, "merchants and shipbuilders from Dieppe and La Rochelle" and other detractors "succeeded in having [de Mons’s] 10 year trade and commerce rights in Acadia annulled just when the entire venture was beginning to look promising."  Most damaging of all were the independent fur traders, Dutch as well as French, who swarmed to the region and refused to recognize de Mons's, or anyone's, monopoly.  As de Mons's biographer reminds us, "It must be remembered that those who traded illegally did not bear the burden imposed on the de Monts company to supply colonists and their necessities."  One of the most unprincipled violators was Rouen merchant Daniel Boyer, who sent his "own traders to Canada in violation of the monopoly."  The Hatters Corporation of Paris, citing higher prices for beaver felt, also had complained to the court about de Mons's monopoly.  One of the charges brought against the proprietor was that, during the three years and a half years he had held his concession, he failed to convert a single "savage" to the One True Church.  And, of course, behind these schemes and accusations, one way or another, was Maximilien de Béthune, duc de Sully, now at the peak of his influence over King Henri IV.  After sending word ahead to Poutrincourt of the loss of his monopoly, de Mons dispatched Jean Railluau aboard the Jonas, that "ill-named" vessel, to take the settlers home.  He then wound up his company affairs and turned his attention elsewhere.11a 

Champlain, seeing that his time was short in La Cadie, conducted one more sweep of the Baie Française "to look for a copper mine," but he found "only nuggets" in the Chignecto area.  In July, Railluau, in the Jonas, reached Niganiche, now Ingonish, on Cape Breton Island and sent word to Poutrincourt, still at Port-Royal, that he would rendezvous with them at Canso to take them home.  On July 30, after receiving Railluau's message, Poutrincourt sent two barques ahead with most of the company, a cargo of furs and cod, plus "samples of wheat, corn, minerals, and Canada geese to prove the value of the settlement."  Most of the leaders remained behind to wait for the first grain to ripen.  They also wished to say farewell to Membertou, "who had been away leading a war party against the Almouchiquois at Saco."  The sagamore returned to his village in triumph on August 10.  "The next day," one of Champlain's biographers tells us, "the French harvested some grain from their fields, put it aboard their small shallop, and made ready to depart.  Membertou and the Indians were sorry to see them go.  There were tears and lamentations.  The Indians promised to protect the settlement, which they did with complete fidelity."   On August 11, Poutrincourt and the others boarded the chaloupe for the voyage around to Canso, which they reached on September 2.  Port-Royal, "the longest and most elaborate post-Viking settlement of Europeans on the North American continent north of Florida was abandoned—in the same year that Jamestown was established" by a company of English merchants 800 miles to the south.12

With Champlain's encouragement, de Mons did not give up on his dreams for New France.  Emphasizing the threat of English and Dutch incursions into territory long claimed by France, de Mons and Champlain reminded the King, as well as disgruntled merchants, that a monopoly on the fur trade and fishery was essential to establish French permanence in America.  Raleigh Gilbert and George Popham, aboard the Mary and John and the Gift of God, ships of the Virginia Company of Plymouth, had visited Canso in July 1607, about the time that Poutrincourt was preparing to abandon Port-Royal.  After trading with fishermen down the coast at La Hève, the Englishmen continued southward towards Norumbega.  In August, they celebrated the first Protestant service in today's New England at present-day Monhegan Island, off the coast of Maine.  On the mainland, they founded a settlement at Sagadahoc, called the Popham Colony, on the Kennebec estuary near present-day Popham Beach, Maine--well within the territory claimed by France.  Meanwhile, farther down the coast, in territory that still "belonged" to Spain, another joint stock company of English merchants, the Virginia Company of London, founded Jamestown in May 1607, about the time that the settlers at Port-Royal received the news that de Mons's concession had been revoked.12h 

De Mons's and Champlain's gambit worked.  In early January 1608, only half a year after Poutrincourt abandoned Port-Royal, King Henri IV, spurning Sully's counsel, granted de Mons a one-year extension on his monopoly in New France, after which the region would revert to free trade.  Champlain, having hoped for more, insisted that the new concession was "'luy donner la mer à boire,'" or "utterly worthless."  Moreover, he and de Mons did not agree on the placement of the new venture's seat.  De Mons favored a more southern site, but Champlain insisted on the St. Lawrence valley, still the heart of the North American fur trade.  Using the same argument employed in winning over the King, Champlain touted the greater defensibility of the St. Lawrence, with its several strategic chokepoints, over the "'infinite number of ... harbors" in La Cadie "'which could only be guarded by large forces.'"  Champlain's vision for the new trade concession was grandiose.  La Cadie, with its long, indented coast line, perfect for smuggling and impossible to police, did not fit the plan.  Compared to the St. Lawrence region and its many nations, La Cadie "'was sparsely populated by sauvages, who on account of their small numbers cannot penetrate from these regions into the interior where sedentary peoples live, as one could by the river St. Lawrence.'"  In that vast interior accessible from the St. Lawrence lay "an inexhaustible fur supply" ready to be exploited.  De Mons "perceived the strength of Champlain's reasoning ...."  In the spring of 1608, he granted Champlain the title of lieutenant of New France and sent him with two ships to the St. Lawrence valley to establish a new seat for the trading venture.  But it would be more just a trading post.  De Mons tasked his lieutenant with laying "'the foundation of a permanent edifice for the glory of God and the renown of the French people.'"  With him would go François Gravé du Pont, who, despite his precarious health and erratic behavior, would assist Champlain from Tadoussac in enforcing the monopoly on fur and fish.  After his usual careful exploration, including another venture up the Saguenay, Champlain chose for the new headquarters the site of the old Iroquois town of Stadacona, where Cartier and Roberval had wintered three quarters of a century before.  The Laurentian Iroquois were gone now, having been driven from the valley two decades before.  Except for the autumn migration by the Montagnais from Tadoussac to stock up on river eels, the site of the old Iroquois village was largely abandoned.  Called Kebec, an Algonquian word for "where the river narrows," Champlain, who arrived in early July 1608, dubbed it Québec.  Here would rise the French province of Canada, whose development would overshadow further French efforts to colonize the North Atlantic.12a 

De Mons, however, was not quite done with his Acadian venture.  Soon after Champlain departed Honfleur in April, the proprietor, with the King's approval, sent Champdoré and Ralluau back to La Cadie to trade with the Indians and "to revive the settlement" there.  The shipwright redeemed himself as a mariner.  He sailed from Honfleur to Port-Royal, where Membertou greeted him warmly and presented him with some of the grain the Mi'kmaq had harvested from Poutrincourt's fields.  Champdoré then sailed down the coast to Saco in Norembega to negotiate the dispute between the Mi'kmaq and the Almouchiquois that had led to war the previous summer.  Emulating Champlain, they lingered at Île de Monts-Déserts, the summer camp of Penobscot sagamore Asticou, to secure an alliance with this "'man of weight and fine presence,'" as Lescarbot described him.  They also ventured to Rivière St.-Jean in search of Etchemin sagamore Secoudon.  Evidently the chief had gone upriver, so they explored as far upstream as their ship would take them in territory that seemed rich with fur-bearing animals.  "They were likely the first Europeans to explore the Saint John for any distance," Ralluau's biographer tells us, "and they supplied a good description of the country and its vegetation."  Despite these efforts, de Mons did not establish a new post in La Cadie or re-occupy Port-Royal.  The habitation lay abandoned for three long years, faithfully watched over by Membertou and his band of Mi'kmaq.12i

Early Struggles to Maintain the Colony

It would be Poutrincourt who would risk his fortunes in a new Acadian venture.  In February 1608, de Mons, still focused on La Cadie, designated Poutrincourt as his second in command, replacing Gravé du Pont, who would assist Champlain in the venture at Québec.  De Mons urged Poutrincourt to develop Port-Royal, which still lay within the area of his new concession.  Champdoré and Ralluau's report of their expedition to La Cadie, delivered at Paris during the fall of 1608, praised the "'wondrous beauty of the wheat'" Poutrincourt "had sown the previous year."  This and other considerations motivated the King to grant Poutrincourt permission to re-establish Port-Royal.  The agreement, unfortunately, probably at the Queen's insistence, was burdened with the stipulation that Poutrincourt must transport Jesuits to the colony to insure the conversion of the natives.  Like many devout French Catholics, Poutrincourt cared little for the Jesuits, so he used the influence of the papal nuncio in France to secure the services of another sort of priest.  After much effort, slowed by the death of his mother and the need to settle her estate, Poutrincourt secured enough financial backing to cobble together another Port-Royal venture.  He sailed from Dieppe aboard the recently-purchased Grâce-de-Dieu, Grace of God, in late February 1610, a dangerous late-winter crossing.  Despite a mutiny among the crew--another indictment of his leadership style--Poutrincourt reached his seigneurie in late May or early June.  With him were at least 40 men, including a secular priest, Father Jesse Fléché; Thomas Robin, vicomte de Coulogne, an important investor; and Poutrincourt's relatives Claude and Charles La Tour, the latter now age 18.  Poutrincourt also brought along two of his own sons, 19-year-old Charles de Biencourt de Saint-Just, who, like the La Tours, had gone to Port-Royal in 1606; and the even younger Jacques de Salazar, who was in the colony for the first time.12g 

Thanks to Membertou's care, the habitation at Port-Royal, despite years of neglect, was still in tolerable condition:  "The furniture was untouched and the buildings sound except for a partial falling-in of the roofs."  Eager not to repeat de Mons's mistakes, one of the first things Poutrincourt did after he anchored at Port-Royal was to summon the local Indians, who were overjoyed to see them.  Father Fléché preached the Word to Membertou's band of Mi'kmaq and baptized 21 of them, including the bearded sagamore, on June 24.  Father Fléché also baptized some of the Etchemin from Secoudon's village on Rivière St.-Jean.  Within a year, the secular priest had saved over a hundred Algonquin from eternal damnation.  Since the good priest could not speak Indian languages, Poutrincourt appointed the young Biencourt, who from his earlier months in the colony had become fluent in Algonquin, to instruct the Indians in the Roman Catholic faith.  Only then could the Frenchmen resume the business for which they had come.  Poutrincourt was determined, as de Mons had been, to make his fur trading venture agriculturally self-sustaining.  Once again, wheat and vegetables were planted along the rocky slope behind the habitation, as well as in the natural meadow a few miles upriver.12j 

In early July, Biencourt left aboard the Grâce-de-Dieu with a cargo of furs and an abstract from Father Fléché's baptismal record.  Unrealistically, he was expected to return to Port-Royal before winter set in.  On his way through the Grand Bank, he learned from French fishermen that King Henri IV had been assassinated in May by a Catholic fanatic and had been succeeded by his nine-year-old son, Louis XIII; the queen mother, Marie de Medici, would serve as the boy King's regent.  In France, the usual commercial and bureaucratic entanglements delayed Biencourt's return.  During an audience with Marie de Medici, Biencourt produced the copy of Father Fléché's baptismal register to reassure members of the court that the good priest was rapidly converting the natives of La Cadie, thus fulfilling one of the late King's principal dictums for establishing the colony.  The Queen-Regent named the young Frenchman, only 20 years old, vice-admiral of New France.  Unfortunately for Poutrincourt and Biencourt's efforts to keep Jesuits away from Port-Royal, Antoinette de Pons, marquise de Guercheville, widow of the comte de La Roche Guyon and wife of Charles du Plessis, duc de Liancourt and comte de Beaumont-sur-Oise, the governor of Paris, intruded herself into the business of converting the Indians.  The marquise had been a favorite of King Henri IV, was one of Marie de Medici's most influential ladies-in-waiting, and was an ardent champion of the Jesuits.  She insisted that two of her priests accompany Biencourt back to Port-Royal, and the Queen-Regent agreed.  To finance the re-supply of his father's colony, Biencourt had been forced to take on as partners two Huguenot merchants of Dieppe, Du Jardin and Du Quesne.  Hearing of the arrangement with the marquise, the Huguenot merchants refused to be a part of any venture that included the hated Jesuits.  Heeding the advice of her priestly advisors, the marquise bought out the Huguenots' interests in Biencourt's re-supply, including the ship, "at a cost of 5,700 livres."  As part of the new financial arrangement, priests of the Society of Jesus, chosen by the marquise herself, not only would go to Port-Royal to minister to the Indians, but the Society would reap much of the profits derived from the colony's fish and fur trade.12b

Unable to leave Dieppe in the Grâce-de-Dieu until late January 1611, Biencourt's return crossing was as troublesome as his sojourn in France.  Early in the voyage, because of the season, foul weather drove his ship into Newport harbor on England's Isle of Wight.  Informed of the identity of the passengers aboard the stranded French vessel, English authorities now had "new evidence that French colonization was continuing near or in territory granted to the Virginia Company and that the Jesuits" were part of the venture.  Biencourt finally made the crossing, but late sea ice blocked his passage through the Grand Bank of Newfoundland.  He could not reach Port-Royal until the third week of May--the seeds of the colony's destruction already sown.12d 

With Biencourt were precious provisions and 36 more settlers, perhaps including his mother.  Also aboard were two Jesuit priests, Fathers Pierre Biard and Énemond Massé, the latter the Marquise de Guercheville's spiritual advisor.  The settlers at Port-Royal, half-starved, welcomed the much-needed food but not the black-robed priests.  It did not take long for Poutrincourt and the Jesuits to quarrel over religious and political matters.  Not long after the King's assassination, Marie de Medici had granted a concession in La Cadie to Robert Gravé du Pont, whom Poutrincourt had known from previous days in Acadia.  The young Gravé, along with a handful of other Frenchmen, established themselves at Île Emenenic, or the Isle of Prayer, today's Catons Island, six leagues, or some 20 miles, up Rivière St.-Jean in the country of the Etchemin.  Since he was not an associate of Poutrincourt, Gravé posed a threat to the proprietor's interests.  The Etchemin soon complained about the Frenchmen's loose morals, including outrages against their women.  To maintain good relations with the Indians, and to protect his own interests, Poutrincourt arrested the young Gravé and brought him to Port-Royal.  After pledging to recognize the proprietor's authority, Gravé returned to Rivière St.-Jean.  Evidently reconciled with the Indians, he went to live among the Etchemin, whom he tried to turn against Poutrincourt and the Jesuits.  Several attempts to arrest him in 1611, one by Louis Hébert, failed to subdue the wily one-handed Frenchman.  Intruding himself into the matter, Father Biard pardoned Gravé and persuaded Poutrincourt to do the same.  Using Gravé's cooperation for their own purposes, the Jesuits threatened to move their mission to Rivière St.-Jean if Poutrincourt did not meet their every demand.12e 

Biencourt's long voyage from Dieppe had spoiled much of the re-supply.  In June 1611, less than a month after his son's return, Poutrincourt, with Father Fléché and probably his wife and younger son in tow, left Port-Royal in charge of Biencourt and headed back to France in the Grâce-de-Dieu.  Again unrealistically, he hoped to secure more supplies for the colony before another winter set in.  Poutrincourt reached the court at Paris in August, deeply in debt and desperate for more financial assistance.  Like Biencourt, he turned to the marquise de Guercheville, and she extracted from him a personal contract tying her share of funding to land concessions for her Jesuits in La Cadie.  Seeing no choice in the matter, Poutrincourt agreed to the contract.  Meanwhile, in the winter of 1611-12, a Captain Platrier from Honfleur and his ship's crew re-occupied Île Ste-Croix, evidently to use it as a storage depot.  One wonders if the captain did so with Poutrincourt's permission.12f

In January 1612, a re-supply vessel reached Port-Royal with Simon Imbert-Sandrier, Poutrincourt's agent, aboard.  Also aboard the ship was Jesuit Brother Gilbert Du Thet, representing the marquise de Guercheville's interests in the colony.  Biencourt, having been left at Port-Royal with only 23 men, was having his own differences with the Jesuits.  Du Thet joined Fathers Biard and Massé in the quarrel with Biencourt over administration of the colony.  Tempers became so heated that the Jesuits threatened Biencourt with excommunication.  In the spring, Father Biard attempted to board the ship returning to France so that he could present his complaints to the court, but Biencourt physically detained him.  Claiming to be "the victim of violence," the Jesuit laid a "canonical interdict" on Port-Royal, which was tantamount to mass excommunication.  Three months later, in late June, Biencourt and Father Biard reconciled their differences, but by then it no longer mattered.  Brother Du Thet had returned to France, where he traduced the Port-Royal proprietor and his son to his powerful patroness, who was providing support to the Acadian venture only because of the Jesuit mission there.  The marquise's agent, René Le Coq de La Saussaye, had approached Poutrincourt in August with a proposition, that he and Poutrincourt would share the cost of another re-supply, to be taken to Port-Royal under La Saussaye's command.  Poutrincourt, desperate to keep his colony fed, agreed to the arrangement, but he was compelled to borrow money from a Rouen merchant to finance his half of the operation.  Hearing Brother Du Thet's account of the conflict with Biencourt, and probably on the advice of La Saussaye, the marquise ended her relationship with Poutrincourt and washed her hands of the Port-Royal venture.  Discredited at court, left penniless, and unable to repay the Rouen merchant or his other creditors, Poutrincourt soon found himself in debtor's prison.12c 

Dissatisfied with efforts in La Cadie on behalf of her faith, the marquise de Guercheville may have assisted de Mons and Champlain in convincing the Queen-Regent to appoint a member of the royal family, Henri de Bourbon, Prince de Condé et duc d'Enghien, as viceroy of New France.  More significantly, taking advantage of the banishment of the sieur de Mons and other Huguenots from the Queen-Regent's court, the marquise purchased de Mons's "residual rights" to trade in the region.  In January 1613, Brother Du Thet returned to Port-Royal not only with a re-supply financed by the marquise, but also with the news of Poutrincourt's humiliation and marquise's new concession.  Meanwhile, the marquise fitted out a new ship for the Acadian missions.  Under command of Captain Charles Fleury, with agent La Saussaye aboard, the Jonas left Honfleur in March 1613 and reached La Hève in May.  La Saussaye proclaimed that the entire coast of North America, except for Port-Royal, still Poutrincourt's, now belonged to the marquise de Guercheville and would be administered by the Jesuits.  La Saussaye then sailed around to Port-Royal, retrieved Fathers Biard and Massé and Brother Du Thet, and took them south to Norembega to establish a new settlement closer to the center of their benefactress's vast domain.  The mission of St.-Sauveur arose beside a lovely inlet on the western half of Île des Mont-Déserts, which Champlain had first visited nine years earlier.13 

Conflicting claims, as well as court politics in the mother country, threatened once again the future of the Acadian venture.

No sooner had the Jesuits attempted to establish themselves at the southern edge of La Cadie than a greater menace came sailing up the coast, flying the flag of England.  In July 1612, a year after Biencourt's unfortunate arrival at Newport on England's Isle of Wight, Samuel Argall, a member of the Jamestown council and admiral of Virginia, was commissioned by that colony's governor "to expel the French from all the territory claimed by England," which, according to the Virginia charter, ran from the 34th degree of north latitude up to the 49th parallel--that is, from Florida to La Cadie.  Moreover, English law forbade any Jesuit from setting foot on English soil, so this gave them all the more reason to expel the intruding Frenchmen.  After capturing the Indian princess Pocahontas in the spring of 1613 on orders from his immediate superior, Virginia's marshal, Sir Thomas Dale, Argall sailed north from Jamestown to search for the interloping Frenchmen.  Aboard his 130-ton Treasurer were 14 guns and 60 men.  In July, while sailing through the Gulf of Maine, he was alerted by local Indians of the presence of "Normans," as they called the French, on the large island they called Pemetic--"the sloping land."  When Argall came upon the infant settlement on the western half of Mount Desert Island, he discerned not only that the settlers were French, but that some of them were Jesuits.  Luckily for Argall and his men, they reached St.-Sauveur before the French had finished unloading the Jonas and while most of them were ashore constructing their shelters.  One of the fatalities in the brief, lopsided encounter at the French anchorage at St.-Sauveur was Brother Du Thet, who fell mortally wounded in a hail of musketry on the deck of the Jonas.  The English hauled him ashore with the other wounded, and he died the following day--the first in a long line of Jesuits to be martyred in America.  Argall's men captured the remaining colonists, including La Saussaye, who had fled into the nearby woods when the English opened fire.  Argall allowed his men to pillage the camp as well as the Jonas.  They forced open the French commander's personal chests and found La Saussaye's commission, which Argall concealed.  Accusing the Frenchmen of being pirates, an accusation they could not disprove without La Saussaye's commission, Argall forced him and the other prisoners into the Jonas's boat.  Father Biard protested that so many men in such a small vessel could only end in tragedy, so La Saussaye, eager to be free of his captors, volunteered to take half of the prisoners in the ship's boat.  After making their way up the coast, aided by friendly Indians, they sailed across the mouth of the Baie Française to the south shore of the Acadian peninsula.  There, two French trading vessels rescued them and took them on to St.-Malo, which they reached in October.  Meanwhile, with his booty and his prisoners in tow--the recaptured Jonas, another French vessel, and 14 Frenchmen, including Fathers Biard and Quentin and Captain Fleury--Argall sailed back to Jamestown, where he was hailed as a hero.  In October, with the full approbation of Dale and the Jamestown council, Argall sailed back up the coast with his Treasurer, the Jonas, and the smaller French vessel.  At St.-Sauveur, he tore down the Jesuit cross, replaced it with a Protestant symbol proclaiming the sovereignty of James I in the region, and destroyed what little remained of La Saussaye's settlement.  Moving farther up the coast, he destroyed what was left of the French habitation at Île Ste.-Croix and confiscated a supply of salt being stored there, perhaps the property of Captain Platrier of Honfleur.  After crossing the Bay of Fundy, Argall's flotialla slipped through the gut on the night of October 31 and fell on Port-Royal the following day, All-Saints', taking Biencourt's token garrison completely by surprise.  Argall and his Englishmen rounded up the best of the livestock, destroyed the rest, "tore down the King's arms from above the gate, chiselled[sic] the fleur de lis and founders' names from the great marking stone," looted and burned the habitation, and set fire to whatever crops in the field had not been harvested.  They would have burned Poutrincourts's grist-mill, located up a small river above the habitation, if they had known of its existence.  When Argall appeared, Biencourt and most of his men had been hunting with the Indians, so they escaped the fate of their incautious fellows.  Argall remained in the lower basin for a week, hoping that the remaining Frenchmen would surrender to him.  Alerted by the Mi'kmaq, Biencourt returned to the habitation just as Argall was about to depart.  The two leaders met privately on the shore.  Argall blamed the Jesuits for the English attacks, and he likely began the fiction that Father Biard had guided him to Ste.-Croix and Port-Royal.  Biencourt demanded the surrender of the troublesome priest so that he could hang him then and there.  Argall of course refused the demand.  Leaving Biencourt and his men to their own devices, Argall, with his prisoners and as much booty as he could carry, set sail for Jamestown on November 13.  A storm struck his flotilla soon after he departed, and the smaller French vessel was never seen again.  The Jonas, commanded by Lieutenant Turner, with Fathers Biard and Quentin aboard, was driven out to sea.  Turner guided his damaged vessel to the Azores, took on fresh water and supplies, and sailed on to Pembroke in Wales, from where the Jesuits, after some diplomatic wrangling, were allowed to return to France.  The Treasurer, meanwhile, stopped at the Dutch trading post on the tip of Manhattan, where Argall forced the men there to acknowledge English rule.  Back at Port-Royal, as winter approached, Biencourt sent some of his men overland to the St. Lawrence and others to winter with the Mi'kmaq.  He and the remainder, likely including Charles La Tour, took refuge in the undamaged grist mill.13a 

They could not know it, but here was a foreshadowing of a conflict that would haunt French Acadia for nearly a century.  Argall's raid "set the pattern for the future of the region," Canadian historian W. J. Eccles observes.  "Although blessed with rich natural resources[,] the Acadian marches, owing to their geographic position, were doomed to remain a buffer zone between the rival empires until one or the other prevailed."14

His rights, health, freedom, and finances finally restored, Poutrincourt cobbled together another partnership in 1613, this one "with several ship outfitters of La Rochelle, including the firm of Georges and Macain, by promising them a share of the fur trade in the Port-Royal region...."  With younger son Jacques de Salazar in tow, as well as Georges's nephew, David Loméron, Poutrincourt left France at the end of December and returned to Port-Royal in late March 1614.  To his astonishment, he found only ashes and ruin at his habitation beside the beautiful basin.  Biencourt and his companions, some of them already dead from starvation and others on the verge of it, emerged from their hiding places and related what had happened to them the previous autumn.  A decade of effort had produced little for Poutrincourt and his associates.  Here also was an indictment of the parsimonious settlement policies of King Henri IV, the duc de Sully, and Henri's successor, Marie de Medici.  Poutrincourt returned to France almost immediately, taking with him his younger son, his kinsman Louis Hébert, most of the other men, and a cargo of furs, which at least paid for the voyage.  In December 1615, before he could return to Port-Royal, Poutrincourt "was killed while battling an anti-monarchical uprising near his Champagne estates."  Older son Biencourt inherited his father’s title as well as his claims in La Cadie.  Despite his father's failure, Biencourt and a handful of other Frenchmen refused to abandon the fur trade.  They were determined to supply wealthy merchants back at home with a commodity that could be acquired in profitable quantities only in New France.15

For the next ten years, French activity in La Cadie was limited to Biencourt and his compatriots seeking profit, and Récollet missionaries seeking souls among the region's natives.   "[A] Franciscan order that had been founded in Spain as early as 1484, and been admitted to France in 1592," the Récollets were especially popular in the south of France.  Seeking another level of permanence for New France, Champlain, with the approval of the French hierarchy, lured several of the friars to Canada, where no priest had gone since Cartier's time.  In the spring of 1615, three Franciscans--Fathers John and Pacifique and Father Joseph Le Caron--crossed with Champlain on a re-supply ship, the St.-Étienne, out of Honfleur.  They arrived at Québec on June 5, accompanied Champlain upriver to the St. Lawrence rapids, and celebrated a Mass at Rivière-des-Prairies on June 23.  Later in the year, they assembled the hand full of inhabitants at Québec to instruct them in religious matters.  In the spring of 1617, Champlain brought three more Récollets to Québec; Father Le Caron was on his second voyage, and Fathers Denis Jamet and Paul Huet on their first.  They built chapels at Québec and Tadoussac, the colony's trading posts, and at Cap-Tourmente, where Champlain kept a farm.  Their residence arose along Rivière St.-Charles below Québec.  Some of them, including Father Le Caron, ventured west into the land of the Huron to minister to that large nation.  Though well liked by both French and Indians for their piety and humility, the friars, at first, were ignorant of native languages and especially Indian customs, which limited their success in converting them.  Like Champlain, however, they persisted in their "efforts to learn and understand" the ways of their native charges.  In 1619, their missionary work in Canada received a welcome boost when the Prince de Condé, restored to the office of viceroy of New France, gave half of his 3,000-livre allowance to the order.  In the early summer of 1620, three more brown-robes came to Québec aboard the St.-Étienne, among them Father Georges le Baillif, of noble birth, who the following year returned to France with a petition drawn up by a popular assembly Champlain had convened at Québec.  From 1615 to 1629, a total of 16 members of the order came to the colony, including Brother Gabriel Sagard, who arrived in 1623, ministered to the Huron as well as the Mi'kmaq of Gaspésie, and wrote two books about his years in New France.  By 1620, enough Récollets had come to Canada to allow them to turn their attention to other parts of New France.  That year, four friars--Fathers Sébastien, also called Bernardin; Jacques de La Foyer; Louis Fontiner; and Jacques Cardon--ventured from Québec down the Rivière St.-Jean portage to La Cadie to minister to the Algonquin nations there.  The river mission failed to draw enough Indians to it, so, for the next four years, the Franciscans wandered through the wilderness, from village to village, ministering to the Etchemin and the Mi'kmaq.  Their travels took them from Rivière St.-Jean to Île Miscou on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and from Port-Royal to Cap-Sable on the peninsula.  In 1623, Father Sébastien died of exposure somewhere in today's central New Brunswick, and the others returned to Québec the following year.  The Jesuits returned to New France in January 1625, but only to Québec.  The first of them included Fathers Philibert Noyrot and Charles Lalemant.  The Jesuits at first were forced to live with the Récollet fathers but then built their own compound at Rivière St.-Charles.  Despite their rigorous education back home, the Jesuits also struggled to master native languages and customs.  Moreover, their correspondence revealed an abiding prejudice against the many Huguenots trading in New France, and their superiors back home did what they could to remove these heretics from the colony.  Several more Jesuits, with 20 hired workmen, sailed to Québec in the spring of 1626 in an 80-ton vessel, the Alouette, part of a flotilla commanded by Samuel de Champlain, whose attitude towards the Huguenots was very different from that of his black-robed passengers.15b 

Biencourt, meanwhile, frequented the wilderness of La Cadie on a quest of a different sort.  Among his 20 or so associates were kinsmen Charles La Tour and, on occasion, Charles's father Claude.  Charles, only a year or two younger than Biencourt, became his friend and lieutenant.  Like Robert Gravé du Pont, who continued to pursue the fur trade on Rivière St.-Jean, the hardy young Biencourt "lived much like an Indian, roaming the woods with a few followers, and subsisting on fish, game, roots, and lichens."  This lifestyle engendered in these young French noblemen an abiding respect for the natives.  One of them, for instance, referred to the natives of La Cadie not as sauvages, or forest-dwellers, as the people back home and the fishermen called them, but as "'people of the country.'  Bare-chested in summer, fur-clad in winter," these hardy Frenchmen "endured the smoky warmth of flea-ridden bark wigwams, slept on furs laid over spruce boughs, ate strips of half-roasted meat and sagamité--potluck stew.  In small pinnaces and snubnose Micmac canoes they explored the coasts and inland river systems as far south as the Kennebec and 'learned with great toil' to speak the tongues of the different tribes."  Some of them, including Charles La Tour, married native women, a practice the French called métissage.  They had in fact become a new kind of Frenchman:  comfortable in the era's formal attire at the court of the Queen-Regent, but just as comfortable in buckskin and fur as they roamed the Acadian wilderness with their native companions.  Biencourt, the La Tours, and their associates, however, did not forget who they were and why they were there.  They largely abandoned agriculture and other forms of sedentary settlement but rebuilt as much of the Port-Royal habitation as they could use to shelter their wares, while maintaining far-flung trading posts for both fish and fur at Cap-Forchu and other places along the coast.  From these posts they hunted down fur poachers who frequented the Atlantic littoral, a perfect haven, with its many coves and bays, for anyone wishing to trade with the Indians, legally or otherwise.  In 1618, Biencourt warned officials at the young King's court that "if immediate action were not taken in the waters off New France, French fishing fleets would be driven from the shores of North America."  Moreover, "From his vantage point on the coast, Biencourt signalled that the English were daily growing stronger in Virginia and Bermuda, and that if the French did not act and send aid soon, 'the name of France will little by little vanish from the country.'"  By 1620, the La Tours set themselves up at strategically-located Cap-Sable, where Charles built Fort Loméron, named for David Loméron, now his agent at La Rochelle.  Despite English claims and Argall's recent actions, Claude established himself at Pentagouët on Penobscot Bay, west of the site of the destroyed Jesuit mission and a good place from which to patrol the coast of Norumbega.  After fortifying their posts as best they could, and receiving no relief from France, Biencourt and the La Tours planted what crops they could manage and made frequent contact with the region's other cod fishing posts, from whence they could ship their furs via fishing vessel to their merchant-creditors at La Rochelle.15a 

Without the fishermen and the natives, it would have been impossible for Biencourt and the La Tours to maintain a fur trade in the abandoned colony.  At first the French were no more impressed with the local tribes than with any of the other natives they had encountered in New France.  The principal tribe of peninsula Acadia, the Mi’kmaq, whom the French called the Souriquois or the Gaspésiens, were, Andrew Hill Clark tells us, "a small group thinly scattered over a large area when the seventeenth century opened.  Contacts throughout the previous century, chiefly through fishermen, had prepared them for trading relationships with the French," but, despite encounters with Cartier at the Baie des Chaleurs in 1534 and Bellenger at Cap-Sable five decades later, they were little acculturated to French habits and attitudes when de Mons and his associates encountered them.  The Mi'kmaq numbered about 3,000 over the roughly 30,000 square miles of their territory then, but European diseases dramatically thinned their numbers.  The French nonetheless put them to good use, and the Mi’kmaq responded in kind.  According to Clark:  "The chief services of the Micmac to the French, consistent with the maintenance of their own basic culture patterns, were as guides, paddlers, hunters, and procurers of the furs and feathers for which a market existed in Europe, the St. Lawrence settlements, or the English colonies to the south."  Professor Naomi Griffiths adds:  "... in the early decades of European settlement, the natives received the newcomers with wary friendliness rather than belligerence.  There was no need for the early settlers to carry guns with them as they began to farm, as their contemporaries had to do along the St. Lawrence.  The Mi'kmaq shared their incomparable skill in winter travel, and their knowledge of seagoing canoes with the Europeans.  They were also quite willing to trade," especially furs for metal goods and powder weapons.  This largely amicable relationship with the French was sealed by the efforts of Catholic missionaries.  Clark asserts:  "The slow, but ultimately universal, attachment of the Micmac to the Roman Catholic faith reinforced their ties to the French.  These ties were maintained assiduously by missionaries largely based on Quebec."16

Biencourt died suddenly near Port-Royal in c1623; he was only 32 years old.  Charles La Tour was by his kinsman's side at the time of Biencourt's passing, and now only the La Tours and their hand full of associates remained to carry on the Acadian enterprise.  Charles quickly formed a partnership with Biencourt's heir, younger brother Jacques de Salazar de Saint-Just, who had lived in Acadia briefly a dozen years before but who was content to remain in Champagne while his kinsman looked after their interests in La Cadie.  Charles, from his headquarters at Fort Loméron, considered himself the leader of the Acadian venture, but his rivals in the region were many.  They included the trading company formed by uncle and nephew Guillaume and Émery de Caën of Dieppe, whose vessels slipped south from the St. Lawrence valley to trade for furs with the Mi'kmaq, as well as English, Dutch, and Basque interlopers, who were not above attacking Acadian outposts.  Charles and his associates did what they could to hang on to the "colony"'s fur trade.  Again, their relations with the natives was essential in the endeavor.  "'After the death of the … Sieur de Biencourt," a future enemy of La Tour asserted, "Charles Latour travelled the woods with 18 or 20 men, mingled with the savages and lived an infamous and libertine life, without any practice of religion, not even bothering to baptize the children they procreated and instead abandoned them to their poor, miserable mothers as the coureurs de bois still do today.'"  These half-breed children, called Métis by the French in Canada, "became some of the staunchest allies of the first French families of Acadia."  Many of them were baptized by French missionaries and clung to the faith of their fathers.  They, too, pursued the trade in furs that sealed the relationship between the worlds of their parents.20

But the struggle to maintain French presence in La Cadie soon would become even more complicated.  The English reappeared in force again, and this time they came to stay.

Nova Scotia and the La Tours

Virginia, too, had endured its share of troubles after its founding in 1607.  From the beginning, the English colonists exhibited a remarkable ineptness in dealing with the Algonquian-speaking natives who lived in the vicinity of Jamestown.  In the first years of the settlement, mostly as a result of incompetent leadership and Indian depredations, the death toll among the settlers was astonishingly high.  The introduction of tobacco cultivation as a profitable venture and the conversion of Princess Pocahontas to Christianity after her kidnapping by the resourceful Argall were lucky strokes for the hard-pressed English during the administration of Thomas Dale.  In 1614, the princess married John Rolfe, the colony's secretary and the fellow who had introduced tobacco cultivation into the colony.  In 1619, compelled by a new charter, the Company introduced the rudiments of representative government into the New World, and the governor and a Point Comfort merchant bought 20 or so Africans from a Dutch privateer to enhance the colony's supply of indentured servants.  But the peace that had followed the princess’s marriage was shattered in March 1622 when the Indians massacred hundreds of colonists in dozens of settlements along the James.  Two years later, the King removed Virginia from a defeated London Company to ensure that the colony would not fail.  By then, 35 English Separatists and 66 "ordinary" English colonists, having crossed on the Mayflower, had founded a colony of their own on Plymouth Bay, near Cape Cod, in November 1620, 15 years after de Mons and Champlain had explored the area.  Plymouth lay only 300 miles south of Port-Royal, closer to Acadia than to Virginia.  These "Pilgrims" were no more adept at relations with the Indians than the Virginia pioneers had been, nor were they anymore tolerant of French presence in the region.  In 1626, a force from Plymouth attacked Pentagouët and drove out Claude La Tour.  Now two English colonies posed a threat to French Acadia.18

To make matters worse for the French in North America, in September 1621 King James I of England (who also was King James VI of Scotland) rewarded one of his Scottish friends a generous grant--French Acadia!  After struggling to acquire enough support and money to settle his grant, Sir William Alexander, viscount and later first earl of Stirling, a noted poet, ventured to the territory granted to him, which he called "Nova Scotia," that is, New Scotland.  During his first expedition, in 1622, Alexander established a fisheries settlement in Newfoundland, which he visited the following year.  On his way home, he sailed along the southern coast of Nova Scotia but did not make landfall.  As a result, Biencourt and his associates would have hardly noticed the Scottish presence in the region.  In 1625, the new English king, Charles I, renewed Sir William's charter, "confirming the rights granted in 1621."  The new charter allowed for the creation of eight baronies in North America and made Nova Scotia part of the kingdom of Scotland.18a 

Meanwhile, in 1624, the Dutch established a North American colony of their own in a region they had claimed 15 years earlier.  Henry Hudson, an Englishman, in 1607 and 1608, had sailed twice for his nation's Muscovy Company, searching for the northern passage to Asia via the Arctic Ocean.  A year later, while Port-Royal lay abandoned and the Englishmen at Jamestown struggled to maintain their infant colony, Hudson led a third expedition in search of the elusive passage, this one for the Dutch East India Company.  In a single ship, the Halve Maen, Hudson left Amsterdam in early April 1609 and sailed up the coast of Norway, back towards the Arctic Ocean.  Having gone that way twice with no success and running into heavy sea ice again, he turned westward at Norway's North Cape and crossed the North Atlantic to the Grand Bank of Newfoundland.  He did not make landfall until July, when he lingered for 10 days at La Hève, in French La Cadie, to repair a broken mast and fish for food.  He and his Dutchmen encountered Mi'kmaq willing to trade their furs, but commerce evidently did not take place.  On July 25, a dozen sailors, brandishing muskets and small cannon, attacked the nearest village, drove off the natives, and took their boats and whatever else they pleased.  Rounding Cap-Sable, Hudson led his Dutchmen southwest to the coast of Maine and reached Cape Cod on August 4.  He continued on to the entrance of Chesapeake Bay before sailing north to Delaware Bay, which he discovered and explored.  On September 3, he re-discovered today's New York harbor, where Verrazzano had lingered in 1524.  Five days later, the expedition lost an Englishman to an Indian arrow fired from the shore.  On September 11, Hudson reached upper New York harbor.  For 10 days, he sailed up the river he called Mauritius, but which now bears his name, as far as his ship could take him.  Only then was he certain that this body of water was not the northern passage to Asia.  After trading for furs with several tribes along the river, he re-crossed the North Atlantic, arriving at Dartmouth, England, on November 7.  He managed to pass his ship's log to the Dutch ambassador in London, and the Netherlands now had a claim of their own to territory in North America.  A fourth voyage, the following year, this time under the aegis of the Virginia Company and the British East India Company, led to Hudson's death in July 1611 in the great northern bay that bears his name.  Meanwhile, the Dutch pondered settling in territory also claimed by England, Spain, and France.  Managing to avoid the English and the French, several Dutch trading expeditions visited the Manhattan area in the five years following Hudson's exploration.  In November 1613, however, English admiral Samuel Argall, on his way back to Virginia after burning Port-Royal, forced a small contingent of Dutchmen at the Manhattan post to acknowledge English rule in the region.  The name "New Netherland" appeared on the map of a 1614 expedition led by Portuguese-Dominican trader Juan Rodriguez, of African descant, who was known to the Dutch as Jan Rodrigues.  By then, Dutch claims in the region, centering on Manhattan, ran north to Cape Cod and south to Chesapeake Bay.  In 1614, Dutch merchants established a fur-trading post, Fort Nassau, on Hudson's Mauritius, near the place where he had ended his upriver exploration, at present-day Albany.  In 1621, a year after the English ship Mayflower failed to reach its original destination on Hudson's river, the Dutch created their own West India Company and ordered the private traders in the region to vacate their posts.  Not until 1624, however, did the Company sanction settlements in New Netherland colony:  on Nut Island, today's Governor's Island in New York harbor; at New Amsterdam, on the tip of Manhattan; at Fort Nassau, which they renamed Fort Orange; on the Delaware River, to the west; and at the mouth of Verse River, now the Connecticut, north of New Amsterdam.  New Netherland stood poised between Virginia and Plymouth and promised to complicate further the imperial rivalries in North America.18b

With the outbreak of war between France and England in June 1627, Sir William Alexander, untroubled by conflicting imperial claims, saw his chance to push his interests into New France.  With other Scottish investors, he formed the Company of Adventurers to Canada, also called the English and Scottish Company.  Charles I granted the Company a monopoly on furs in the region, as well as "a commission to destroy all French settlement."  In the spring of 1628, Sir William ordered the establishment of a Scots settlement in Nova Scotia.  His son, William Alexander the younger, commanded the expedition, which left Dumbarton, near Glasgow, in early summer, wintered in Newfoundland, but returned to Scotland.  A second expedition, sent in the spring of 1629, managed to reach Nova Scotia.  William the younger sited the Scots venture at what he called Charles Fort, on the opposite side and farther up the Port-Royal basin from de Mons's and Poutrincourt's old habitation.  That winter, 1629-30, the Scotsmen learned for themselves what the French could have told them about the brutality of an Acadian winter; Samuel de Champlain, back in France, learned from his sources in North America that "of the seventy [Scotsmen] who wintered [at Port-Royal in 1629-30], thirty had died," most of them probably of scurvy.  Meanwhile, in the summer of 1629, Alexander associate, James Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, who had jointly commanded the second expedition to Nova Scotia, attacked a Basque fishing crew led by Michel Dihourse of St.-Jean-de-Luz at Port-aux-Baleines, also called La Baleine, on the Atlantic coast of Cape Breton Island.  Using cannon captured from the Basques, Ogiltree erected another Scots fortification in the region, Fort Rosemar at La Baleine, in the region the Alexanders called New Galloway.  The Scotsman announced to the French fishermen still working along the coast that they could trade for furs at Cape Breton only if they paid him a 10 percent fee and secured his permission to do so.  About the same time, Privateer David Kirke of Dieppe, the Alexanders' former rival and now another associate, who had defeated a French fleet in the lower St. Lawrence the year before, struck on that river again, his target Champlain's outpost at Québec.  News of a treaty signed at Suze, or Susa, in the Duchy of Savoy in late April 1629 evidently did not reach Scotland before Alexander's expeditions sailed, and Champlain was unaware of it before the Kirkes appeared in the lower St. Lawrence.  On July 20, the Kirkes forced Champlain to give up Québec without firing a shot.  Rumors of a peace treaty reached Tadoussac a few weeks after Champlain's surrender.  The accord called for the return of territories captured during the war, but David Kirke refused to believe it.  Moreover, even after the treaty had been ratified by both parties that summer, Charles I refused to restore lands in North America until the rest of his wife's dowry was paid by his brother-in-law, Louis XIII of France.19

The story of French Acadia, and French Canada for that matter, could have ended only a quarter of a century after it had begun, but the French, despite years of bad luck and neglect, were unwilling to surrender their claims in North America.  In June 1629, Captain Charles Daniel of Dieppe, an experienced Grand Bank fisherman, led a small flotilla out of La Rochelle under the aegis of the newly-formed Company of New France to deliver messages and supplies to Québec.  Daniel's ships were separated by heavy fog on the Grand Bank of Newfoundland, and Daniel sailed on alone.  After emerging from the fog, he intercepted a small English ship on its way to Plymouth colony and was informed that the war with England was over.  Arriving at Cape Breton in August, he stopped at Bras d'Or Bay, where he may have learned of the fall of Québec, and then sailed down the coast to La Baleine, where he learned from French fisherman of Ogiltree's actions, committed after the peace had been signed.  "Daniel was outraged by this 'usurpation of territory belonging to the King,'" his master, so he resolved to deal harshly with the usurpers.  On September 18, he and 52 of his Frenchman attacked the Scots fort and quickly overwhelmed it.  He promptly dismantled it, constructed a fortified settlement of his own at Baie Ste.-Anne, near Bras d'Or Bay, and, before winter set in, carried Ochiltree and his Scotsmen to England and France as prisoners.  Meanwhile, the new French Company did what it could to strengthen Charles La Tour's hold at Cap-Sable, described by one of La Tour's biographers as the "last remaining post France had in the country."  The Treaty of St.-Germain-en-Laye, signed in March 1632, ended hostilities between the two kingdoms and, as the Treaty of Susa had done, compelled the British to return Acadia and Canada to the French.19e

.

Life had become dangerously complicated for the hard-pressed La Tours.  After losing Pentagouët to a force from Plymouth in 1626, Claude returned to Champagne to divest some of his holdings there.  He also became involved in another trading venture directed towards New France.  In late July 1627, at his father's insistence, Charles wrote letters to King Louis XIII and to Armand-Jean du Plessis, bishop of Luçon and duc de Richelieu and de Fronsac, known to history as Cardinal Richelieu, who had been serving as the young King's chief minister since 1624.  Richelieu was granted control "of commerce, colonies, and maritime affairs" in 1626, and the following year he assumed the role of viceroy of Canada.  Charles sought permission to defend La Cadie not only against the English, who, from their posts at Saco and on the Kennebec, were becoming bolder, but also against his fellow Frenchmen based on the St. Lawrence, with whom he and Biencourt had been clashing for years.  Through his father, Charles "asked for a formal commission entrusting him with the defence and preservation of the coasts of Acadia...."19d 

But Richelieu had plans of his own for North America.  In the spring of 1627, on the eve of war with England, the chief minister organized the Compagnie de la Nouvelle France, or Company of New France, more commonly known as Compagnie des Cent-Associés, or the Company of the Hundred Associates, which replaced all other monopolies granted by the King from the Arctic Circle down to Florida.  Ignoring warnings about the activities of English privateers operating in North American waters, Richelieu insisted that the Company "dispatch a very large convoy to New France" to establish his trade monopoly.  Company directors beseeched him to wait "until their ships could be protected."  Richelieu refused.  Four large merchant vessels chartered by the Company, under Admiral Claude Roquemont de Brison, a Company associate, would re-supply and reinforce Québec with 400 souls, "the largest group of French settlers that had been sent to America."  Included in the flotilla were smaller vessels intended for other outposts in New France, including a barque chartered and commanded by Jesuits.  Claude La Tour, recently rescued from debtors' prison, would accompany a supply ship destined for Cap-Sable, where son Charles still held sway.  Leaving Dieppe in late April 1628, Roquemont's fleet, after enduring a storm and eluding two Huguenot vessels out of La Rochelle, crossed the Atlantic without further incident, but they did not reach their destinations.  After erecting a cross on uninhabited Anticosti Island and then sailing south to the coast of Gaspé, Roquemont learned from friendly fishermen that a flotilla of English privateers had captured Île Miscou and Tadoussac and were seizing French vessels in the lower St. Lawrence.  David Kirke of Dieppe, an Englishman by heritage if not by birth, commanded a powerful squadron of five or six English privateers anchored at Tadoussac.  He had just been bluffed by Champlain into leaving Québec alone, but Roquemont's ships were another matter; the booty they contained was just too tempting for the businessmen-privateers.  The admiral and his commanders, meanwhile, chose not to retreat before a superior force but to sail past the enemy through river fog and fight their way up to Québec if need be.  Their plan, though bold, was foolhardy.  On July 17-18, after a 15-hour battle off present-day Rimouski, in which 1,200 cannon shots were exchanged, Kirke and his privateers, guided by Huguenot pilot Jacques Michel, defeated and captured Roquemont's merchantmen.  Only two small vessels escaped the onslaught:  the barque chartered by the Jesuits, which promptly retreated to France, and a chaloupe that Roquemont had sent ahead to check on the settlement at Québec.  After the battle, Kirke released the French settlers, their priests, and the ship's crews and left them two captured vessels on which to return to France, while he and his victorious privateers returned to England.  With them were the wounded admiral, the ships' captains, Claude La Tour, and other notables who had sailed with the fleet, each to be held to ransom.  In London, Claude was presented at court, after which Sir William Alexander offered him and son Charles titles of nobility in exchange for their assistance in establishing the English in Acadia; the offer also included large land grants in the English-controlled colony.  Claude, now age 60, again a widower, likely converted to Protestantism before remarrying to one of Queen Henrietta-Maria's ladies-in-waiting, a kinswoman of the Alexanders.  Claude went to Port-Royal with William Alexander the younger in the spring of 1629, but he did not winter there.  By November 1629, he was back in London, where he assisted in presenting to the English court Mi'kmaq sagamore Segipt and the chief's wife and son as the king, queen, and prince of Canada.  At the end of that month, Claude accepted Sir William's offer, became Baronet of Nova Scotia, and renounced all allegiance to France.  In May 1630, he also accepted a baronetcy for son Charles, which came with a generous grant of land in the southern portion of the colony.19a

That same month, having taken his bride to Nova Scotia with another Scottish expedition, Claude came ashore at Cap-Sable to inform his son of what had transpired since he had last seen him three years before.  Charles, the former woodsman, now in his late 20s, was married to a Mi'kmaq woman and the father of at least one daughter.  Hearing his father's proposals, he refused to renounce his allegiance to France.  According to Champlain, Charles informed his father that "'he would rather have died than consent to such baseness as to betray his King.'"  Hearing this, Claude informed his son that now he must treat him as an enemy.  The father rounded up a force of British soldiers and sailors and attacked the son's fort!  "The ensuing battle between father and son lasted two days and a night and has no parallel in the history of the New World," one of Claude's biographers insists.  Charles emerged the victor, and Claude and his Scotsmen continued on their way to Charles Fort, where Claude seems to have suffered a change of heart.  He offered to allow his bride to return to Britain, which she refused to do.  Meanwhile, he sent a message to Charles, asking permission to return to the cape to embrace his son and France again.  Charles refused.  That summer, a small flotilla from Bordeaux led by Basque surgeon turned seaman Bernard Marot of St.-Jean-de-Luz arrived at Cap-Sable.  The two ships carried supplies, munitions, reinforcements, and three Récollet fathers, the first priests in the colony since 1624.  Marot handed Charles a letter from the directors of Richelieu's Company naming Charles an associate.  Well fixed now, he consulted with Marot and the Récollets about the problem with Claude.  Charles reluctantly sent his associate, Jacques de Murat, sieur de Lestang, "to inform Claude that he would be welcome to return to French service," but he insisted that his father and stepmother live in a house outside the walls of Fort Loméron, which Charles renamed Fort St.-Louis.  At the cape, Claude informed Charles that the British had reinforced their post at Port-Royal and soon would attack Cap-Sable, but the attack did not come.  When Charles, with permission and wherewithal from Richelieu's Company, built a new fort at the mouth of Rivière St.-Jean in 1631-32, the Company offered Claude command of the post, which Charles had named Fort Ste.-Marie.  Probably on Charles's advice, however, they appointed, instead, Charles's associate, Jean-Daniel Chaline.  This was a good thing for Claude.  In mid-September 1632, not long after Charles sailed to France on personal business, a force of 25 Scotsmen from Port-Royal under command of Captain Andrew Forrester crossed the Bay of Fundy, attacked Fort Ste.-Marie, captured the fort "by treachery," "tore down a large cross, damaged the chapel, and plundered the supplies," including a "cache of beaver, otter and moose pelts to the value of fifteen hundred beaver, reckoned as currency."  After removing the royal arms of Louis XIII from the gatepost of Fort Ste.-Marie, Forrester took his prisoners, including Chaline, back to Charles Fort and then placed them "aboard a passing New England pinnace and ordered the captain to maroon them on a barren island in Penobscot Bay--a sentence to death by starvation.  The New England captain released them instead near the Saint John River, and they found their way back to Cape-Sable," where they informed their fellow Frenchmen "of their cruel treatment."  In retaliation, Charles, after his return from France, struck the New English trading post at Machias, on the Maine coast, in November 1633 and "pillaged it as a warning that his posts could not be molested with impunity."  Meanwhile, on 8 February 1631, thanks largely to Bernard Marot's positive report, King Louis XIII named the 38-year-old Charles "'governor and lieutenant-general of His Majesty's shore and the places which depend upon it.'"  Charles signed the commission the following July 16--his position and power securely established after a quarter of a century in the colony.19b 

With the restoration of peace in 1632, Pentagouët reverted to France, and Richelieu's Company offered Claude command of the post he had founded a dozen years before.  Evidently the old adventurer had paid close attention to the turmoil all around him and hung up his boots; he chose, instead, to remain at Cap-Sable, and another La Tour associate took command at Pentagouët.  Nicolas Denys found Claude still living at the cape in 1635.  In his memoirs, Denys "reports him to have been the picture of domestic bliss, a genial host who waxed enthusiastic about his extensive garden."  The following year, Richelieu's Company granted Claude a seigneurie which they called Pentagouët in "an area between Le Touquet and Cape Sable which the grant called 'the old house' (le vieux logis) at present-dah Shag Harbour," Nova Scotia.  Claude died on his seigneurie "sometime after 1636, a turn-coat, an opportunist, a rogue perhaps, but one who lends colour to the early history of Acadia."  The old reprobate would have been in his late 60s, perhaps his early 70s, at the time of his passing.19c

French Acadia Resurrected

After Canada and Acadia reverted to France, Cardinal Richelieu organized another expedition to reestablish French presence in North America.  A scaled-down version of Roquemont's venture of four years before, it would be a substantial effort at settlement nonetheless.  "At long last," Professor Naomi Griffith observes, "French expansion across the Atlantic was now to become something more than the probing efforts of a diverse group of individual entrepreneurs."  French fortified outposts finally would give way to actual settlement.  Significantly, French efforts in the region no longer would be burdened by English interference, at least not in the form of armed conflict directed from London.  Taking no chances, Cardinal Richelieu had hidden from English negotiators his grandiose plans for New France, but he probably need not have bothered.  King Charles was more interested in paying off his mutinous army and navy and securing financial independence from a meddlesome Parliament than blocking French settlement in North America.  Peace and the rest of his wife's dowry (four million crowns, having come due in 1626 but still unpaid in 1632) would serve his purposes well.21c 

Heading the new French venture would be Richelieu's cousin, Isaac de Razilly of Touraine, a naval commander and former associate of Samuel de Champlain.  Razilly was known to his fellow Frenchmen as Loup de Mer, the Sea Wolf, but he was a one-eyed wolf, having lost an eye in the siege of La Rochelle in 1625.  Despite his fierceness in battle, Razilly, like Champlain, was a humanist, one of a large circle of French intellectuals "who took the world for their province and regard all of God's children as their kin.  They were students of the world, with a passion for the pursuit of knowledge, as a way of understanding God's purposes."  In 1626, after he recovered from his wounds, Razilly wrote a report for his cousin on the state of French commerce.  In it, he rebutted the common notion among royal officials that international trade "was not vital to the country's welfare."  He also highlighted the importance of mastery of the seas and of colonization on a much larger scale than France had attempted over the last half century.  He proposed the creation of a large trading company with at least 300,000 livres in capitalization--a suggestion that came to fruition the following year when Richelieu organized his Company of New France.  A Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Razilly was still a bachelor in his mid-40s when his cousin named him his lieutenant in New France in early 1632.  Razilly, no doubt flattered by the appointment, nonetheless refused it.  He had served in many campaigns in home waters, in the Mediterranean, and in other parts of the world, but not in New France.  He informed Richelieu that he preferred to serves as a ship's captain under Samuel de Champlain, whose experience in North America was second to none.  Richelieu, by then, had lost confidence in Champlain and rebuffed his cousin's suggestion.  In March, Razilly signed a contract with Richelieu, prompting King Louis XIII in May to commission his Sea Wolf "Lieutenant-General of all of New France (Canada) and Governor of Acadia."  Richelieu's Company would direct the affairs of the resurrected colonies.  The Company had been stymied by English aggression from its beginning, yet it was the Company that had supported Charles Daniel on Cape Breton after he drove away the Scots, and it was the Company that had sustained Charles La Tour in the face of Scottish settlement at Port-Royal.  Razilly would make his seat in Acadia, where he would establish an expanded French colony to support the Company's commercial ventures and where he literally would be closer to the region where he hoped "'to confine the English as closely as possible.'"  Against the cardinal's wishes, but with Razilly's encouragement, the Company's directors appointed, or rather re-appointed, Samuel de Champlain as acting governor in Canada.  It was Champlain who had established the Québec outpost in 1608 and had governed it, without the title of governor, for most of its two dozen years, who had lured to Québec the first French family to remain in America, that of apothecary Louis Hébert, in 1617.  Champlain also had a long acquaintance with Acadia, which he had explored extensively and where he had spent three winters until the colony was abandoned in 1607.  Now, under the leadership of these intrepid men, settlement in New France would be "on a larger scale than ever before," and Richelieu's Company would place the two colonies "on a stronger material base than ever before."21 

But it would be easier said than done.  The larger picture of European settlement in North America was not a happy one for France.  In 1627, only 55 Europeans lived at Québec, and only the Héberts and their kinsman Guillaume Couillard remained when the English took over the settlement in the summer of 1629.  Only a dozen or so Frenchmen roamed the woods of La Cadie during the late 1620s.  In 1628, on the other hand, the Dutch could boast 270 colonists in New Netherland.  The English at Plymouth numbered 300 men, women, and children in 1629, and dozens more lived in the Scots settlement at Port-Royal.  Five years earlier, in 1624, a Virginia census had counted 1,275 Englishmen and 22 Africans in the James River valley.  Massachusetts Bay would hold over a thousand Puritans by end of 1630.  And the Spanish still clung to San Agústin in Florida, now in its sixth decade of existence.  Despite early efforts in La Cadie three years before Jamestown was founded, France had fallen far behind in its peopling of North America.  Nor would the task of reversing this trend be made easier by Cardinal Richelieu's quest "to create a world empire for France."  "When the cardinal's thoughts turned to colonies in this period," one of Champlain's biographers reminds us, "he gave more attention to Guadeloupe than Quebec, more to Martinique than Acadia, more to North Africa than North America, more to the Indian Ocean than the Atlantic."  Richelieu's subordinates in Canada and Acadia would be left to their own devices.  It was a good thing, then, that, in spite of himself, the cardinal had chosen well.21b 

Razilly's expedition of three ships for Acadia, one of them his own vessel, L'Espérance-en-Dieu, Hope in God, departed Auray in early July 1632 and arrived at La Hève on September 8 via Cap-Sable.  Aboard the French vessels were 300 settlers, three gray-robed Capuchin missionaries, and supplies aplenty, all financed by Razilly's own trading company, the Launay-Razilly-Cordonnier.  Like Champlain in Canada, "Razilly made a particular effort to recruit families ... the hardest part of their task and the most vital to peopling of a colony.  French families showed great reluctance to emigrate, unlike those from Britain, Germany, and other European countries.  The anomaly of French attitudes toward emigration has never been explained.  With great effort, Razilly found twelve or fifteen French families for his first voyage ... not many, but enough to start a population growing."  In mid-December, after setting up the settlers at La Hève, until then just another fishing station on the Atlantic but now his new headquarters, Razilly sailed around to Port-Royal to take possession of the fortified settlement from Captain Forrester and the surviving Scots.  Three months before, on September 18, Forrester and his Scots had seriously complicated Razilly's efforts in restoring the colony to France.  Upon hearing of the French arrival at La Hève and refusing to accept the British retrocession, Forrester and two dozen of his men had attacked La Tour's fort at the mouth of the St.-Jean and grossly mistreated the Frenchmen there.  Razilly found only 42 of the Scotsmen still in their fort, too few to put up an effective resistance against him.  Characteristically, Razilly did not repeat the acts of cruelty and degradation that Forrester had meted out to La Tour's men at Fort Ste.-Marie.  After the Scots agreed to lay down their arms, Razilly paid them 15,000 livres for the food and munitions they were forced to leave for him at Port-Royal and hustled them aboard one of his vessels, the St.-Jehan, which returned them via France to England, where the French captain dumped "them ashore among the sand dunes of the English seacoast in early February 1633."  After 18 years of neglect and British interference, French suzerainty in greater Acadia finally was restored.  Razilly then "ordered some of his colonists to take possession of the old French settlement" at Port-Royal "under the command of René Le Coq de la Saussaye, an old hand on the Acadian coast."  Good relations with the local Mi'kmaq soon were restored, and "a fur trade began to revive" there the following year.21a

Razilly next had to deal with Charles La Tour, who, as the King's original lieutenant-general, considered himself still master of all Acadia.  Moreover, La Tour enjoyed considerable influence with the local Indians as well as Company officials in France.  About the time of Razilly's arrival at La Hève but before the Scottish attack on his fort at St.-Jean, La Tour sailed to France--his first visit there in decades--to clarify his standing with King and Company.  He reached La Rochelle in early autumn of 1632, "arriving with a party of Indian warriors, French traders, and their mixed offspring," including his two younger daughters, completed business with the firm of Georges, Macain and Lomeron, long his agents in France, left his daughters with a female Huguenot relative named Saint-Hilaire, and returned to Acadia in 17 days to evaluate the damage to his St.-Jean fort before hurrying back to La Rochelle.  At Paris that winter, he and his entourage "made a great splash in the city," where they stayed at the home of court attorney Claude Pignault "on the rue Quincampoix in the financial district of Paris.  One street away on the rue St. Martin were the offices of the Hundred Associates," Richelieu's Company.  "There La Tour and Champlain," who was back in France to oversee the publication of one of his books, "worked together" and "'were sure to have renewed their acquaintance, spending absorbed hours talking over affairs in New France," to which each expected shortly to return.  In Paris, Charles also recruited his younger stepbrother, François de Goudart, to serve with him in Acadia; François older brother, Jacques de Goudart, sieur de Rainville, already was there, having been left in charge of the Cap-Sable outpost while Charles was in France.  Charles may even have met his future wife, Françoise-Marie Jacquelin, on his sojourn in Paris. The primary purpose of his visit, however, remained his business with the Company.  After Charles returned to Acadia in the spring of 1633, Razilly was compelled to abide by the agreements Charles had worked out with Company officials back in Paris.  At his own expense, La Tour would maintain his posts at Cap-Sable and on Rivière St.-Jean, as well as Machias in Maine, from which he and his men could pursue the fur and fishing trade; he also would retain the titles granted to him by Company and King.  Razilly would grant to him a half-share in the fur concession "from Canso to New Holland ('Flandre)."  Each would hold a key to the Company's warehouse at La Hève "in order to ensure a fair and equal division of the trade."  Razilly, in turn, would retain the "same privileges at La Tour's posts," where he would have the right to inspect all goods and wares used in the fur trade as well as the furs resulting from that trade before they were sent on to France.  In 1635, La Tour moved his headquarters from Cap-Sable to Rivière St.-Jean; father Claude remained at the cape with his wife and stepsons.  Razilly remained at La Hève, where he was determined to establish an agriculture-based settlement as well as an entrepôt for furs and codfish.  La Tour was interested primarily in the fur trade.  The forts at Cap-Sable and especially on Rivière St.-Jean were well-placed bases from which to pursue his interests, but they had their agricultural components as well.  These compromises, suitable to the character of each of the principals, promised only good things for the colony.  By all accounts, Razilly "got on well" with La Tour, whose rights and titles were confirmed by the Company in January 1635.22

Razilly brought with him several lieutenants who also would play prominent roles in Acadian history.  That he could get along with men of such contrasting character said much about the character of Razilly himself.  Charles de Menou, sieur d’Aulnay de Charnisay, Razilly’s cousin and chief lieutenant, was only in his late 20s when he arrived at La Hève in 1632 as commander of L'Espérance-en-Dieu.  D'Aulnay returned to France in L'Espérance-en-Dieu the following autumn with a valuable cargo of "beams, ship masts and beaver pelts to be sold in La Rochelle for the Company."  There, his arrogance and impetuosity managed to alienate at least one "civic magnate" before d'Aulnay returned to the colony.  Nicolas Denys de La Ronde, a native of Tours, also was a young man in his late 20s when he reached the colony with his older brother, Simon de La Trinité, age 32.  Simon at the time was even more accomplished than Nicolas, having served as "King's councillor and representative in civil matters at the salt store-house at Tours."  Like d'Aulnay, Nicolas Denys was a bachelor.  Brother Simon, on the other hand, had married at Tours in May 1628 and was the father of three children when he came to La Hève.  Razilly, as he had done with Charles La Tour, granted d'Aulnay and the Denyss concessions in the colony, continuing the New World modification of what in France was called the seigneurial system.22a 

D’Aulnay would direct the colony's principal agricultural effort at La Hève as well as the fur trade on the peninsula and along the Maine coast, where, from 1635, his men occupied Claude La Tour's old fort at Pentagouët.  As before, the agricultural component was secondary to the commercial one, "intended only to provide a supply base for the fur trade or the fishery," not "for colonization in the usual sense."  Nevertheless, as Nicolas Denys observed many years later, "'he [Razilly] had no other desire than to people this land, and every year he had brought here as many people as he possibly could for this purpose.'"  One of Razilly's biographers adds:  "In his letters to Richelieu, Razilly spoke in the most glowing terms of the land of Acadia and of the number of people then living and suffering in France who could dwell in comfort in this 'blessed land.'  'The soil,' he writes, 'is rich both on the surface and below; the sea abounds in fish that we are exporting to southern France.'"  Razilly established 40 allotments for the settlers at La Hève, and at least one successful wheat crop was reported there.22b 

Razilly and d'Aulnay chose to keep the agricultural settlement on the Atlantic side of the peninsula for several compelling reasons.  First, La Hève, with its excellent harbor, provided easier communication with France.  Nearby were the fisheries and also villages of friendly Mi'kmaq, who could help sustain the venture, in more ways than one, until it became self-sufficient.  Second, the soil at La Hève, derived from glacial drumlins, though not of the highest quality, was adequate to sustain a small agricultural community.  And then there was a characteristic of the Grand Baie Française that seemed to preclude any sustainable agriculture along its shores.  Geographer Andrew Hill Clark explains:  "Around the Bay of Fundy and its various branches there are, roughly, some 120 square miles of salt marsh and associated bogs.  Its origin lies in the extraordinarily high tidal range of the Bay of Fundy area ... of thirty to forty feet at normal tides, and fifty feet or more at spring tides....  The ranges are still higher when gales are combined with spring tides...."--the highest recorded tides on the planet.   These amazing tides had been observed by de Mons and Champlain during their exploration of the bay three decades earlier and by other early explorers of the region, so this natural, and troubling, phenomenon would have been well known to Razilly and d'Aulnay as well.  To compensate for La Hève's more vulnerable location facing the Atlantic, Razilly "built a strong battery," which he dubbed Fort Ste.-Marie-de-Grave, "on what is still called Fort Point," evidence that he intended to stay.22c   map

Nicolas Denys, a tireless entrepreneur, had little interest in agriculture other than as a source of sustenance for his various enterprises.  He took charge of the Acadian fisheries, a white oak lumbering enterprise at La Hève, and also shared in the fur trade.  Encouraged by Razilly, Denys opened a fishing post at Port Rossignol, just down the coast from La Hève, but disaster soon crippled his efforts.  Nicolas sent brother Simon to Oporto, Portugal, with a load of dried cod.  Unfortunately for the brothers, war had broken out in 1635 between France and Spain, and Portugal was still controlled by Spain.  The Spanish seized the shipment as well as the Denys' vessel and imprisoned Simon in Madrid.22d 

Razilly also faced a potential disaster of his own.  Despite the many supplies he brought from France in 1632, a fifth of his men--42 of 200--died at La Hève during the first year of settlement, most from inadequate housing and exposure than from scurvy.  Razilly promptly corrected the problem, and the second year at La Hève saw an improvement in the survival rate.  D'Aulnay, back from his venture to France, returned to the mother country in January 1633 to recruit more colonists and gather more supplies; amazingly, he was on his way back to La Hève by March 12.  More colonists, some of them recruited by Razilly's brother Claude and their partner Jean Ordonnier, came to La Hève in 1634:  58 men aboard the Catherine out of Auray, and a hundred more from La Rochelle to endure another winter in Acadia.  Meanwhile, Razilly "constructed a chapel for the Capuchin fathers and encouraged them to open the first boarding school in New France.  Children of both French colonists and Mi'kmaq families were invited to study together."  Razilly, like Champlain in Canada, did his best "to establish good relations with the Indians [and] encouraged them to settle close by."  The result was the creation, or more likely the augmentation, of a Métis, or mixed-blood, community that Razilly, like Champlain, did not discourage.  With its trading post and small farming community, La Hève was now, more than anything, a thriving fishing port.  More than 500 transient fishermen from dozens of fishing vessels riding at anchor in the settlement's spacious harbor came ashore during the summer months to interact with the colonists.  Still, historian Naomi Griffiths reminds us, "Settlement was not yet the establishment of families, whether with Europeans or Amerindian partners, and agriculture was a supplement to European supplies, not yet a means of permanent sustenance."  During its first few years, then, except in scale, Razilly's venture at La Hève was not much different from earlier efforts at Port-Royal.22e

And, of course, forces beyond Razilly's and the Company's control threatened the future of the Acadian venture.  By 1632, the English had established yet another colony along the wide swath of the North Atlantic seaboard—Massachusetts Bay.  The founders of this colony were dour, exceedingly righteous, extraordinarily hardworking Puritan dissidents whom the new English king, Charles I, was glad to see gone.  He granted them a charter in March 1629 to establish their "City upon a Hill."  A flotilla of five ships, including the Mayflower, with 300 men, women, and children aboard, left London in late April and early May and reached Massachusetts Bay that summer.  Boston, up the coast from the Separatist settlement at Plymouth, had a flawless harbor and thus every chance of permanence.  Other English settlements appeared at Wessagusett, now Weymouth; Merry Mount, now Quincy; and Naumkeag, now Salem, and were subsumed into the Massachusetts Bay colony after Boston was established in the spring of 1630, when a thousand more dissenters reached Massachusetts Bay under Suffolk magistrate John Winthrop.  With a population now of at least 2,000, New England was there to stay.  It was only a matter of time before these good Puritans clashed with their French neighbors up the coast.  Professor Naoomi Griffiths observes:  "Contact between the Europeans attempting to establish colonies on the northeastern seaboard of the American continent was inevitable and, given the way in which religious antagonisms were linked to national rivalries at that time, tended to be hostile more often than not.  The relationship between Acadia and Massachusetts was, from the beginning, one of inequality.  Massachusetts was always the more populous, in terms of European settlers, and the stronger, in terms of commercial activity, and it was also much more important to England than Acadia was to France.  From the beginning Massachusetts recognized the need to pay attention to Acadian affairs.  On 17 January 1633, John Winthrop, still governor of that colony, wrote in his diary 'that the French had bought the Scottish plantation near Cape Sable [sic], and that the fort and all the ammunition were delivered to them, and that the cardinal, having the managing thereof, had sent some companies already, and preparation was made to send some many more the next year and divers priests and Jesuits among them.'  Winthrop believed that the French 'were like to prove ill neighbors being Papists' and he set about strengthening the defences of Boston."  Later that year, Massachusetts merchant Isaac Allerton sailed to Machias, between Pentagouët and Rivière Ste.-Croix, where Richard Vines of the Plymouth Company, an associate of Allerton's, had recently established a trading post.  Allerton's mission was to rescue three English traders whom La Tour's men had captured there and to reassert New English claims to the post.  Finding Machias abandoned and the New Englishmen gone, Allerton sailed on to Rivière St.-Jean, where he confronted La Tour and demanded full compensation for the company's loss.  La Tour of course refused.  When Allerton demanded to see La Tour's commission, the fiery Frenchman brandished his sword instead and informed the would-be-rescuer that English rights extended up the coast of Maine no farther than Pemaquid, between the Kennebec and the Penobscot.  The following year, however, La Tour astonished Winthrop and his fellow Englishmen by assisting immigrants who had been unceremoniously dumped by an English vessel on the shore near the mouth of Rivière St.-Jean.  The passengers had been left "'with nothing but a small shallop'" to take them down the coast and across "'a dangerous bay of 12 leagues....'"  La Tour, ever the French gentleman "when not directly challenged or afronted," treated the stranded Englishmen "with 'great courtesy' and insisted on sending them on in his own pinnance[sic]" to improve their chances of reaching Boston.  By late summer of 1635, Razilly felt secure enough to send d'Aulnay to seize the fort at Pentagouët, at the mouth of the Penobscot, which the La Tours had built the decade before and which Separatists from Plymouth, now under Thomas Willet, had occupied since 1626.  D'Aulnay employed both force and treachery to drive the English away.  Soon afterwards, d'Aulnay successfully drove off a ship full of Separatists under Captain Miles Standish who tried to retake the fort.  This left that post, Machias, Île Ste.-Croix, and Rivière St.-Jean squarely in French Acadia … for now.24

A more immediate problem, one that had plagued the colony from its beginnings, arose at the old fishing post of Canso, up the coast from La Hève.  Razilly had sent a lieutenant, Nicolas Le Creux du Breuil, to construct a stockade, Fort St.-François, to protect Company interests at Canso.  Meanwhile, back in France, Cardinal Richelieu had granted one Jean Thomas permission to engage in cod fishing on the Grand Bank, but, respecting Razilly's concession in the region, forbade Thomas from engaging in any sort of  trade with the Indians.  In 1635, ignoring the chief minister's restrictions, Thomas set up his own operation near Canso and began a lucrative fur trade with the Mi'kmaq, who could care less about European points of law.  Even worse, "Thomas incited the Indians through talk and plying them with wine to attack and pillage the fort," which they did at the end of July.  Le Creux received two sword wounds in the encounter.  Hearing of the incident from the wounded Le Creux, Razilly acted swiftly.  He sent lieutenant Bernard Marot to Canso to capture Thomas and bring him to La Hève for judgment.  Holding Thomas in confinement, Razilly conducted two inquiries, in which he grilled members of Thomas's crew and residents of Canso about the fisherman's activities.  Adjudged guilty, Thomas was hustled back to France, arraigned before the admiralty court at La Rochelle by his victim, Le Creux, and imprisoned there.  In September, Thomas, who probably had friends at court, secured an early release on bail.  Wisely, he did not return to Acadia.24a

Despite his title and his high position in the Company, Razilly was faced with other conflicting claims.  To the south, somewhere below Pentagouët, lay the contested boundary with New England.  A separate Company entity, Charles Daniel's, now under Pierre Desportes de Lignères, still existed on Cape Breton Island, a region that Richelieu had granted to Razilly.  Also on Cape Breton Island was another Company post, Fort St.-Pierre, standing at the head of an inlet that led to the narrow peninsula south of Bras d'Or.  And then there was Canada.  It was generally understood that Canadian interests ran to the western edge of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but the precise boundary between Canada and Acadia had not been established.  Was the Company post on Île Miscou, commanded by Champlain's friend and assistant Thierry Desdames, part of Acadia?  And what of Gaspésie along the western edge of the Gulf of St. Lawrence?  Razilly's solution was to enforce the southern boundary between New France and New England with firmness and vigor, as he had done with Allerton, but to handle conflicting French interests in the region--those of Daniel and Desportes de Lignères on Cape Breton; La Tour at Cap-Sable, Rivière St.-Jean, and Machias; Desdames at Île Miscou; and Champlain at Québec--with circumspection.24b

Razilly took the same approach with his most important subordinates.  Certainly he was aware that his second in command, cousin Charles d'Aulnay, "was the complete opposite" of Charles La Tour, not only in personality, but also in their relationship to the place called Acadia.  La Tour, one might say, was the first "Acadian," having spent most of his life in the colony; he was in his early 40s in 1635, having lived in the region since the age of 14!  D'Aulnay and Nicolas Denys, both a decade younger than La Tour, were, like Razilly, new to the colony.  La Tour had married a native woman and was father of three daughters, while d'Aulnay and Denys were still bachelors in 1635.  D'Aulnay had sprung from French nobility, while La Tour and the Denyss had been born to families of lower social rank.  While Razilly lived, the simmering conflicts between these proud men remained below the surface.  Unfortunately for the colony, Razilly died suddenly of natural causes at La Hève on 2 July 1636, and, again, French Acadia was thrown into confusion.  Isaac de Razilly was age 48 when he died.  He had never married, so his brother, Claude de Launay-Rasilly, inherited his shares in the family's trading company and in Richelieu's Company of New France.  To the chagrin of La Tour and the Denyss, Claude de Launay-Rasilly, who chose to remain in France, ignored brother Isaac's wishes and named cousin Charles d’Aulnay as his "lieutenant" in Acadia.  La Tour nevertheless felt secure in his titles and possessions, which the Company had reaffirmed in 1635.  Nicolas Denys hoped to remain in Acadia and develop his fisheries as well as the fur and lumber trades on his concessions along the Atlantic.25 

Without Razilly's intelligent leadership, it did not take long for his chief associates to come to blows. 

In September 1637, Nicolas Denys paid for the passage of Bernard Bugaret dit Saint-Martin of Bordeaux, who had come to Acadia aboard the St.-Jehan in early 1636.  Denys also sent over Bugaret's wife and "'ten men that he could bring with him to New France.'"  Bugaret and his men took up residence at Mirliguèche, up the coast between La Hève and Chebouctou, a sure sign that Denys was intent on expanding his interests in the colony.  In the first round of conflict between Razilly's former associates, d'Aulnay refused to allow Denys to export his timber on Razilly's ships.  When Denys attempted to hire a ship out of Boston to ship his timber back to France, d'Aulnay accused one of Denys's associates of treating with the English, which, to him, was an act of treason, and slapped him in irons.  Professor Griffiths observes:  "It was obvious that d'Aulnay intended to establish his authority as the sole legitimate authority in the colony; he would rather stand the financial loss of ships sailing in ballast than aid someone who claimed rights, both of fishing and settlement, obtained without his favour."  Frustrated by d'Aulnay's enmity, Denys returned to La Rochelle to resume his duties with the Company and did not return to Acadia until the following decade.  During his sojourn in France, Nicolas finally married and began a family of his own.25a  

.

Soon after Razilly's death, d’Aulnay moved the colony's major agricultural settlement from La Hève to Port-Royal, where he believed there was more arable land to build up a greater base of supply.  Port-Royal also stood closer to a primary source of furs in the region.  By the time of the move, the number of settlers at La Hève had fallen to less than a hundred.  At Port-Royal, which he believed was squarely in his sphere of control, d'Aulnay resettled most of the transplanted colonists "on individual allotments on which they could contemplate some security of future..."  The hand full of settlers who remained at La Hève most likely had taken Indian wives from local villages and chose to remain with their Métis families near Mi'kmaq relatives.26a 

Despite the claims of some scholars, genealogical records reveal that only two of the original colonists who came to La Hève in the early 1630s established lasting families in the colony.  Germain Doucet, sieur de La Verdure, of Couperans or Conflans en Brie, one of Razilly's lieutenants, was married and the father of two or three children when he came to Acadia in 1632.  Doucet remarried at Port-Royal in c1654, probably in his 60s.  Pierre Comeau, a cooper, was 34 years old and still a bachelor when he came to Acadia with Razilly, but he did not marry until c1649, when he was 51 years old.26

While d'Aulnay was contemplating resettlement, the ship St.-Jehan, having left La Rochelle on the first of April 1636, arrived at La Hève with 78 passengers and 18 crewmen.  Nicolas Denys, representing the Company, registered the ship's passenger roll on May 6.  Aboard were the first recorded French families who would remain in Acadia.  "With this ship," Professor Griffiths asserts, "Acadia began a slow shift from being primarily a matter of explorers and traders, of men, to a colony of permanent settlers, including women and children."  She adds, however, that, "While the presence of European women is a signal that settlement was seriously contemplated, there were yet so few of them in this group of migrants that they did not immediately affect the status of Acadia as basically a colony of European transients."  The passengers aboard the St.-Jehan included 35-year-old farmer Pierre Martin of St.-Germain de Bourgueil in the Loire valley, his wife Catherine Vigneau, and sons Étienne age 5, Pierre, fils, age 4, and Urbain age 2; Guillaume Trahan, also age 35, an edge-tool maker from Montreuil-Bellay in Anjou but living at Bourgueil when he left France, his wife Françoise Corbineau, two daughters, Jeanne age 7, and a younger daughter whose name and age have been lost to history, as well as a valet; and Isaac Pesseley, a merchant from Piney, Champagne, who may have sailed with wife Barbe Bajolet, age 28, and daughter Marguerite, age 3.  Also aboard the Mayflower of Acadia was Company associate Nicolas Le Creux du Breuil, who, while commanding Fort St.-François at Canso, had been wounded in a skirmish there in late July 1635.  With Le Creux were several indentured workers, as well as his family; wife Anne Motin was accompanied by her brothers Claude and Jehan, "the latter probably a priest," and her 21-year-old sister Jeanne.  The Motins were children of Louis Motin, sieur de Courcelles, another associate of Isaac de Razilly and Charles d'Aulnay and controller of the salt stores "at Mont St. Vincent in the Charlovais."  Two years after her arrival in the colony, Jeanne would marry the sieur d'Aulnay and, 15 years after that, Charles La Tour.  Also aboard the St.-Jehan were master salt-maker Jehan Sandre or Sandry, also called Jean Cendre dit Causinier, his wife Pérrine Baudry, and "a small number" of other sauniers, including Pierre Gaborit of Tasdon, recruited by Claude de Launay-Rasilly.27a

According to Acadian genealogist Bona Arsenault, several other settlers who would create families in Acadia arrived in c1636.  Jean Gaudet, perhaps from Martaizé, near Loudun, at the southern edge of the Loire valley in northern Poitou, would have been a 61-year-old widower that year.  With him would have been three children, Françoise, age 13, Denis, age 11, and Marie, age 3.  Antoine Bourg, a farmer perhaps also from Martaizé, would have been a bachelor in his late 20s.  Vincent Brun, perhaps from La Chaussée on the Loire near Blois, was another bachelor in his 20s.  Like Bourg, he had been hired with other men from the Poitou region "on a five-year contract as land clearers and laborers."  François Gautrot, perhaps from Martaizé, age 23 in 1636, would have come with his wife Marie, whose family name has been lost to history.  Although their names do not appear on the role of the St.-Jehan or any other ship that reached the colony, Gaudet, Bourg, Brun, and Gautrot certainly came to Acadia during the early years of d'Aulnay's administration.27b 

These sturdy Frenchmen, recruited by the Company to enhance the colony's agricultural efforts, also joined d'Aulnay at Port-Royal.  Sadly, Pierre Martin's sons Étienne and Urbain died in c1636, soon after the family settled there--among the first recorded French children to die in the colony.  However, by most accounts, Pierre Martin's fourth and youngest son Mathieu, born at Port-Royal in c1639, was "the first Frenchman born in Acadia."27

Civil War and the Death of d'Aulnay

The move to Port-Royal put d’Aulnay’s new headquarters perilously close to La Tour’s seat at Rivière St.-Jean, across the Great French Bay.  Moreover, La Tour, who still considered himself heir, or at least caretaker, of the Poutrincourt family's seigneurial rights in the colony, also claimed Port-Royal as part of his personal domain.  This d'Aulnay refused to accept.  Having vanquished Denys, d'Aulnay did what he could to coax the Company and the King's ministers into granting him control of all of Acadia.  Assisted by Claude de Rasilly and certainly by his own father, influential nobleman René de Menou de Charnizay, former councilor of state under Louis XIII, d'Aulnay's efforts bore fruit.  On 10 February 1638, the Company of New France, in the name of King Louis XIII, recognized d'Aulnay as Razilly's successor by granting him the title "lieutenant general in Acadia with authority over Port-Royal and La Hève," but the decree "enjoined him to maintain a good understanding with La Tour."  Meanwhile, La Tour’s powerful friends in Paris acquired for him the same title, lieutenant general of Acadia, with authority over his own domains.  Again, the amazing insouciance of the French court over affairs in the colonies only contributed to the chaos there.  The ministers then "made an unsuccessful attempt to divide all of Acadia west of Canseau (Canso) between" d'Aulnay and La Tour.  "In their ignorance," one of La Tour's biographers asserts, "Louis XIII's ministers gave d'Aulnay the land lying north of the Bay of Fundy," including Pentagouët and Rivière St.-Jean, "but not Fort Sainte-Marie, and La Tour the peninsula part of Acadia but not Port-Royal.  This simply made matters worse and the struggle continued."  The conflict between the rivals became so intense, in fact, that a virtual civil war erupted in Acadia which lasted for nearly a decade.28

In 1638, his year of triumph, d'Aulnay married 23-year-old Jeanne Motin, who had come to the colony two years earlier on the St.-Jehan, and they set up a household in his headquarters at Port-Royal.  Here was a sure sign that d'Aulnay would not return to France, as La Tour had hoped, but intended to remain in Acadia.  Two years later, in his fort at Cap-Sable, Charles La Tour remarried to François-Marie, 38-year-old daughter of French physician Jacques Jacquelin, "who was connected to La Rochelle commercial interests."  Charles likely had met her on his trip to France eight years earlier and contracted the marriage through his trusted agent, Guillaume Desjardins, sieur du Val.  In mid-June 1640, soon after their marriage, Charles took his bride to Rivière St.-Jean to set up a household of his own there.28e

In the months between d'Aulnay's and La Tour's marriages, their rivalry turned violent.  According to d'Aulnay and his apologists, Indians friendly to La Tour, likely Maliseet, perhaps from the village lying just across the harbor from La Tour's Fort Ste.-Marie, attacked a boat carrying a Capuchin friar and two of d'Aulnay's traders--another source says a single soldier---on Rivière St.-Jean.  The Indians killed the traders and stole their merchandise but allowed the friar to escape.  Sometime later, d'Aulnay insisted, he sent nine of his soldiers to his outpost at Pentagouët, which he believed was threatened by Englishmen from Plymouth who had been forced by treaty to surrender the post eight years earlier.  Somehow La Tour got word of the reinforcement and captured d'Aulnay's men on their way down the coast.  According to one account, La Tour "carried them to Fort St.-Jean and ... treated  them like slaves."  But accusations such as these can cut both ways:  "According to a complaint filed later by La Tour's Récollets," a La Tour biographer tells us, "d'Aulnay also committed acts of violence against La Tour, although the document describing them has never been found."28f 

Shortly after La Tour's remarriage, the rivalry heated up considerably.  From the early 1630s, Razilly and La Tour had shared in the profits and the expenses of the colony's fur trade.  As a result, the two men met often at La Hève so that La Tour could inspect his share of the furs and the supplies that were necessary to acquire them.  La Tour rightly assumed that he could go to d'Aulnay's headquarters at Port-Royal to conduct his periodic inspections, as in the days of Razilly at La Hève.  That he did so in the late 1630s, following Razilly's death, is not recorded.  Early in July 1640, however, he resolved to make an inspection.  He and his entourage, which included his wife, agent Desjardins, and Jacques Jamin, captain of the ship L'Amity de la Rochelle, which had brought Françoise-Marie to Acadia earlier in the year, crossed the Great French Bay to Port-Royal in two armed pinnaces.  D'Aulnay was not at Port-Royal at the time, and the officer in charge had been instructed by d'Aulnay to refuse La Tour access to the Company warehouse.  La Tour considered this an insult to his dignity as well as a threat to his economic interests.  He remained anchored for the night before Port-Royal, fussing and fuming in vain.  The following morning, he ordered his vessels to pull up anchor and head back towards the Gut for their return across the bay.  Two sails suddenly appeared at the lower end of the basin, and the conflict erupted into warfare.28a 

Having learned, again, that Plymouth traders were planning to recapture the post at Pentagouët, d'Aulnay took two ships--the Notre Dame under Jacques LeBoeuf and the Saint-François under Bernard Marot, a former associate of Charles La Tour but now his enemy--filled them with men and provisions, and hurried down to coast to reinforce his outpost, which he did successfully.  On his way back up to Port-Royal, after clearing the Gut and entering the lower badin, d'Aulnay's flotilla came upon La Tour's two armed pinnaces.  Both claimed that the other fired the first shot in the short, bloody encounter that followed.  La Tour's gunners managed to dismast one of d'Aulnay's vessels and kill several of his men, but La Tour's lieutenant, Jacques Jamin, fell in the first exchange of fire.  Fighting in waters well known to him, and employing his experience as a naval commander, d'Aulnay, in his remaining vessel, outmaneuvered La Tour's pinnaces and drove them into the shallows near one of the basin's islands.  La Tour had no choice but to surrender.  D'Aulnay hustled him, his bride, and agent Desjardins to the fort at Port-Royal, where he held them as prisoners.  Using the full power of his position, d'Aulnay ordered an immediate inquiry, "presided over by Mathieu Capon, clerk and registrar," into La Tour's actions.  Three of the witnesses who testified against La Tour on July 14 were Germain Doucet, Isaac Pesseley, and Guillaume Trahan, all stalwarts of the Port-Royal community.  After extracting a written promise from La Tour to keep the peace and, upon the urging of a Capuchin friar, d'Aulnay "set them all at liberty," and La Tour and his wife returned to their fort.  D'Aulnay now held the upper hand, but Charles La Tour was no Nicolas Denys; he refused to go away peacefully.  Nor was d'Aulnay the sort of leader to underestimate a dangerous enemy.  He promptly informed his associates in Paris of his troubles with La Tour.28d

Frustrated in his efforts to drive d'Aulnay from Acadia, a desperate La Tour sent agent Desjardins back to La Rochelle to stir up trouble against his rival.  Desjardins coaxed Jacques Jamin's widow to press charges of murder against d'Aulnay and his officers.  When Jacques LeBoeuf arrived in port with the Saint-François, he was promptly arrested and his cargo of furs impounded.  In the end, the Jamin case lingered in the courts for years, during which d'Aulnay was accused of defrauding the Company as well as engaging in heavy-handed violence against La Tour and other colonists.  "But although these disclosures would confirm the Company in its mistrust of him," one of La Tour's biographers notes, "the effect on d'Aulnay would be negligible," such was his influence at court.  In the spring of 1642, Desjardins managed to send a re-supply to Rivière St.-Jean, along with 26 engagés, all skilled tradesmen, pledged to serve La Tour for three years.  La Tour, meanwhile, took a nod from his late father and crossed into a place his fellow Frenchmen would have called treason.  He urged Desjardins, along with his Huguenot merchant friends, to seek an alliance with the Puritans at Boston, who alone could provide him the necessary means to drive d'Aulnay from the colony.  La Tour's timing in this dangerous ploy could not have been better.  Professor Naomi Griffiths points out that, after the skirmishes along the Maine coast in the early 1630s, "as Massachusetts strengthened and the possibility of a major military challenge from Acadia, diminished, 'anti-Catholicism became less intense' and while 'prejudice remained ... it was never strong enough to preclude commercial or diplomatic relations.'"  In early summer 1642, La Tour sent to Boston Nicolas Gargot de La Rochette, later called Jambe de Bois, scion of a Huguenot family, to solicit "for the right to trade and to recruit mercenaries" for the fight against d'Aulnay.  The Puritans leaders agreed to trade with La Tour, but they declined to assist him in the struggle against d'Aulnay.28b

Meanwhile, d'Aulnay's father, "from his house in Rue St. Germain," pushed his son's case against La Tour at court, especially with cousin Richelieu.  Having been provided d'Aulnay's version of the clash with La Tour, at the end of January 1641 the King's council ordered the arrest of Desjardins and the seizure of his trade goods, revoked La Tour’s concessions in Acadia, and summoned him to Paris to answer charges against his conduct.  At the end of February, Richelieu twisted the knife in favor of his kinsman.  He revoked La Tour's commission as governor, authorized d'Aulnay to seize La Tour's holdings and "put his forts into the hands of faithful persons devoted to the King's service."  Typically, Richelieu gave d'Aulnay only a half dozen men to help him do it.  That summer, upon receiving his cousin's dictum, d'Aulnay found enough men to move against the fort at Cap-Sable, which La Tour could not defend.  Typically, d'Aulnay exceeded the King's orders by pillaging and burning Fort St.-Louis, including the Récollet church and monastery there, but he did not possess the force to move against St.-Jean, which La Tour was busily strengthening.  Determined to finish off his rival once and for all, d'Aulnay hurried to France that autumn to shore up his hold on the colony.  Claude de Launay-Rasilly had been dragged into the Jamin lawsuit and saw no chance of recuperating any of his losses in Acadia; on 16 January and 19 February 1642, Claude transferred his rights in Acadia to d'Aulnay "for the paltry sum of 14,000 livres, payable in seven years at the rate of 2,000 livres a year," and essentially washed his hands of the place.  D'Aulnay also strengthened his relations with the Capuchins, who had extensive holdings in Acadia granted to them by Richelieu.  Some of them, however, including Father Pacifique de Provins, head of the Port-Royal mission, had complained about d'Aulnay's heavy-handed behavior, and four of them had been recalled to France.  The astute Father Vincent de Paris, one of those recalled, "vainly tried to convince the council that d'Aulnay was a hypocrite who spoke one way while acting another."  No matter, with the assistance of Father Pascal de Troyes, d'Aulnay convinced the other Capuchin fathers to name him their Company administrator in the colony.  Noting Desjardins's recent re-supply of Fort Ste.-Marie, d'Aulnay secured from cousin Richelieu and the King's council a proscription on trade with Charles La Tour, the violation of which would result in "severe corporal punishment."  Most significantly for the future of the colony, d'Aulnay established a financial partnership with Emmanuel Le Borgne, sieur du Coudray, a wealthy La Rochelle merchant born in Calais "who became at the same time the man responsible for fitting out [d'Aulnay's] ships, his banker, and his business agent."  Amazingly, during his months in France, d'Aulnay found the time to visit "the de Menou properties in Touraine to recruit families who would join the other colonists brought out by Razilly, now well established at Port Royal."28c

His mission complete, d'Aulnay departed France in mid-May 1642 aboard Le Saint-Hélie with kinsman Martin Le Godelier.  With them were three other ships he had leased from Le Borgne, including the 200-ton Vierge, which was heavily armed.   Back in Acadia by the middle of August, d'Aulnay stood before the St.-Jean fort and "despatched three gentlemen and four sailors" to present the King's summons to his nemesis.  Predictably, La Tour lost his temper, crumpled up the order in front of the messengers, and imprisoned them in his dungeon for "above a year."  D'Aulnay hurried back to France to inform the court of La Tour's refusal to obey the King's orders.  By then, the embargo against La Tour was taking its toll.  In early October, desperate to sell his furs and acquire needed supplies, he sent Lestang with 14 men to Boston to negotiate a deal with Governor Winthrop.  La Tour "again asked for assistance against d'Aulnay and the opportunity to trade with New England."  Again, the New English were eager to trade with La Tour but refused to provide direct assistance against d'Aulnay.  Lestang and his men escorted a Boston pinnace back up the coast.  The resulting trade gave La Tour some relief, but d'Aulnay was soon on to him.  On their trip back down the coast to Boston, the crew of the pinnace stopped at Pemiquid, where d'Aulnay was on a visit.  Upon learning of their recent activity, d'Aulnay sent a firmly-worded letter to Winthrop, threatening to capture any English vessel that traded with La Tour.  He then ordered the Vierge and several other vessels to blockade Rivière St.-Jean.  Hypocritically, d'Aulnay employed at least one English pinnace of 24 tons, captained by a pilot named Peter Mutton, to carry merchandise to and from his various posts from La Hève to Pentagouët, to fish for cod to sustain the post at Port-Royal, and to join the Vierge in front of the St.-Jean.28g

Shortly after tearing up the King's summons and imprisoning d'Aulnay's emissaries, La Tour saw no choice but to employ his wife's considerable charms in breaking the embargo against him.  Carrying La Tour's lengthy appeal to the Company's directors, many of whom did not care for d'Aulnay, as well as a deposition penned by the Récollet fathers condemning the governor's violent actions, she left the St.-Jean fort in September, ahead of d'Aulnay's blockade, and made it safely to La Rochelle, where she stayed with Desjardins.  Momentous changes were occurring in France:  Richelieu was dying and would breathe his last on December 4, followed five months later by King Louis XIII, who died on 14 May 1643.  Louis XIV was only four years old when his father died; Queen Anne of Austria became the boy King's regent, but she deferred to Richelieu's successor as chief minister, Cardinal Guilio Raimondo Mazzarino, her spiritual mentor, known by his French name, Jules Mazarin.  Richelieu's nephew, Armand de Maillé, duc de Fronsac, Vice-Admiral and Grand Prior of France, succeeded his uncle as head of commerce and navigation, which included supervision of the Company of New France.  Françoise-Marie, with the help of Desjardins, coaxed the Grand Prior into sending an armed supply ship, the 120-ton St.-Clément, under Desjardin's brother-in-law, Étienne de Mourron, to succor La Tour at Fort Ste.-Marie.  The ship departed La Rochelle in April 1643, on the eve of the King's death, with Madame La Tour aboard.  She carried a letter from Company associates addressed to her husband "describing several new schemes of d'Aulnay's with sound advice on how to foil them."  The King's council, meanwhile, named d’Aulnay "Governor and Lieutenant-General of the entire coast of Acadia from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Virginia," removing La Tour, on paper at least, from any authority in Acadia.  Hearing of La Tour’s refusal to appear before them, the King's council authorized d’Aulnay to seize him and force his return.  In March, d'Aulnay's ships dismasted and captured a New English vessel under "a certain Captain Bailly," who had tried to elude the blockade and re-supply La Tour.  Perhaps La Tour was vulnerable now to direct attack.  Soon after Bailly's blunder, d'Aulnay "landed cannons and men for an attempt on the fort," but La Tour's return fire drove them back to their ships.28h 

The St.-Clément did not reach Acadian waters until late May.  De Mourron eluded d'Aulnay's blockaders, took shelter up the coast, and, under cover of darkness, sent a shallop ashore carrying seven men, who made their way overland to La Tour's fort.  Heartened by his wife's successful mission, La Tour turned to the New English once again, but this time he would go to them in person.  Under cover of darkness, he and some of his men, including two Récollet fathers, slipped past d'Aulnay's blockade in a shallop and rendezvoused with the St.-ClémentLa Tour enjoyed "an emotional reunion with his wife."   Happy to find an old friend in command of the vessel, La Tour also found aboard the St.-Clément 140 passengers and crew, both Catholics and Huguenots, 45 of them engagés from France and Switzerland pledged to serve La Tour for two and three years.  La Tour coaxed de Mourron into sail on to Boston, which they reached on June 12.28i 

England also was undergoing dramatic change during the early 1640s:  civil war erupted in 1642 between King Charles I and his Parliament.  By the following year, the war "had not much affected New England, although New Englanders were continually apprehensive that it might.  Most of the colony's leaders had emigrated because of their opposition to the royal political and religious policies and naturally favored the Parliament cause."  Happily for them, they were at peace with the local Indians as well as the French, and their commerce was rebounding after years of stagnation.  In May, New English leaders from Plymouth, Connecticut, New Haven, and Massachusetts Bay had formed an impromptu confederacy "for mutual protection."  One suspects that Charles La Tour understood the nuances of English politics and religion when he came to call at Boston on that late spring day.  Once he was ensconced in Major Edward Gibbons's townhouse, where Lestang had stayed the autumn before, La Tour restricted his men's access to the city, allowing them "to come ashore for exercise and recreation, but only in small parties so as not to afright the women."  He told the two Récollet friars who had come along that they were allowed into the city only "to confer with John Cotton (Boston's chief authority on the scriptures) and other elders," who enjoyed discussing theology with the learned Franciscans.  There is no record of the Récollets objecting to La Tour attending divine services in the city's "austere Meeting House, formally escorted by the governor and an honour guard of halberds and musketeers."  Madame La Tour also attended divine services, sitting on the women's side of the Meeting House between the governor's wife, Margaret Winthrop, and her hostess, Margaret Gibbons.  Evidently the Puritans considered Françoise-Marie to be a devout Protestant, an impression husband Charles sought to encourage.  As to Charles's own religious sentiments, the Puritans believed that, despite his claim to be a Protestant like them, he likely remained a devout Roman Catholic and therefore could not be fully trusted.  "Had he not two priests with him?" many of them asked.  Meanwhile, the wily Frenchman wasted no time pressing his case, not only with Governor Winthrop in private conversations, but also before the Boston council, where he and de Mourron presented pertinent papers, including indictments against d'Aulnay.  Again, the Boston magistrates refused to grant La Tour "official assistance without the approval of other members of the new colonial federation," but they saw "no reason why he should not make private arrangements to hire ships and men" for his struggle against d'Aulnay.  By mortgaging his remaining property--the fort at St.-Jean--to shipbuilder turned merchant Thomas Hawkins and Major Edward Gibbons, La Tour was able to hire four armed vessels--the 100-ton Seabridge, the Increase, the Philip and Mary, and the Greyhound, 38 cannon in all--and their captains and crew, for a foray against d'Aulnay.  Towards the end of the month-long visit, however, even this compromise nearly came unraveled.  As word spread through New England of the Frenchmen's sojourn in Boston, protests came in from Salem, Ipswich, Essex, and other settlements about treating with Papists and jeopardizing the peace with "'Mounsieur Dony'" and his confederates.  Winthrop and Gibbons nevertheless held firm in the Boston council, and La Tour secured his ships, captains, and crewmen.29 

On July 14, 300 New Englishmen, led by Thomas Hawkins, left Boston with La Tour and the St.-Clément to raise d'Aulnay's blockade and arrived at the mouth of Rivière St.-Jean during the first week of August.  In the face of such opposition, d'Aulnay's ships withdrew to Port-Royal, and La Tour and his five vessels followed.  La Tour sent a boat ashore with a New English envoy who could speak French well enough to communicate.  The New Englishman presented letters from Winthrop and Hawkins as well as La Tour that "formally requested damages for the destruction" of the Cap-Sable fort, but d'Aulnay would not to budge.  He refused to open La Tour's letter "on the grounds that it omitted to salute him properly as lieutenant-general" but responded to the ones from Winthrop and Hawkins.  Holding the messenger blindfolded for "six or seven hours," he exhorted his men to strengthen the fort's walls and ramparts, but the structure could not be made sound enough to resist an attack from so large a force.  While the friars urged the settlers inside the fort to fight these "infidels and heretics," the women "cried pitifully," and d'Aulnay resolved to find other shelter for himself and some of his men.  Impatient with d'Aulnay's reply, La Tour ordered an attack on the post, placing Hawkins in a quandary:  it was peacetime, and he had come along only to help raise the blockade and secure La Tour's property.  The New Englishman refused to attack Port-Royal, but not all of his men were as scrupulous as their commander.  While Hawkins and La Tour discussed the matter, d'Aulnay and 20 of his men abandoned the fort and retreated to a mill on a nearby river, perhaps the same structure that Poutrincourt had built for the colony 37 years earlier.  La Tour and his men, with 30 Puritan volunteers, attacked the mill, "'wounded several men, killed three others and took one captive,'" but d'Aulnay and most of his men escaped.  In the foray, La Tour's men "'killed a quantity of livestock and took a ship loaded with furs, powder and food'" as booty.  After burning the mill and a field of standing corn, La Tour ordered his men to return to their vessels for the voyage back to St.-Jean.  One suspects that Hawkins reminded the New Englanders who had joined in the fight that they had "broken their orders and compromised their colony" by helping these Frenchmen strike their enemy.  La Tour's luck held out on the voyage home.  While crossing the bay, his flotilla came upon Peter Mutton's pinnace making its way up the coast.  The victorious raiders "divided up Mutton's cargo, including four hundred moose skins and four hundred beaver pelts.  The pinnace and one-third of the furs went to La Tour--small compensation, he said, for all the goods of his that d'Aulnay had unjustly taken--one-third to the ship owners, the rest to the men."29a 

La Tour and his flotilla returned to Rivière St.-Jean on August 16.  The New English vessels remained to fulfill their two-month contract.  One of the crews negotiated the reversing falls and sailed 20 leagues upriver to bring back a load of "surface coal" to Fort Ste.-Marie.  Another transported marble from a nearby quarry to provide lime for the fort's walls and gardens.  The New Englanders returned to Boston in early autumn, "not a man missing or sick," but some of them suffered Governor Winthrop's wrath for their actions at Port-Royal.  In September, La Tour sent the St.-Clément back to France with Françoise-Marie aboard.  She had saved him before, and she would try to save him again, this time before the new French court led by Cardinal Mazarin.  D'Aulnay, meanwhile, also resolved to end the conflict.  After rebuilding the fort at Port-Royal, he struck back at La Tour, this time with words, not bullets.  After gathering statements from the Capuchins and other supporters attesting to the treachery of Charles La Tour, he returned to France in late October "to request further help."29b 

D'Aulnay's efforts paid off.  In an edict issued on 6 March 1644, Mazarin and the new royal council essentially declared Charles La Tour an outlaw.  He was ordered, once again, to return to France to answer charges against him.  With more soldiers and the 200-ton, 16-gun, frigate Grand Cardinal, obtained with Le Borgne's assistance, d'Aulnay hurried back to Acadia, reaching Port-Royal in early September.  The object of his wrath was not only Charles La Tour, but also his wife.  She not only had failed to overcome d'Aulnay's influence at court, but was "charged with complicity in her husband's conduct," as was Desjardins and de Mourron.  "Forbidden" by the March 6 edict "to leave France under pain of death," she defied the council's order, borrowed money from friends, some of them probably officials of the Company of New France, and fled in disguise to England.  There she chartered a ship, the Gillyflower, captained by French turncoat Jean Bailly of Amiens, who knew Acadian waters well.  Bailly and his associates promised in writing to transport Madame La Tour directly to Rivière St.-Jean.  The Gillyflower left London in late March, but, after an uneventful but nonetheless difficult crossing, Bailly ignored the agreement and went about his business in northern waters.  He lingered at the Grand Bank to fish for cod, coasted Newfoundland, and ventured up and down the St. Lawrence River before finally turning south to Acadia.  Off Cap-Sable in mid-September, d'Aulnay, aboard the Grand Cardinal, forced the Gillyflower to heave to so that he could search for the elusive Madame La Tour.  While she and her entourage hid in the hold, among the casks and smelly codfish, Bailly and d'Aulnay, who were old antagonists, commiserated on the deck above them.  Bailly convinced d'Aulnay that his ship was bound for Boston and had no business in French Acadia.  D'Aulnay handed Bailly a letter addressed to the Massachusetts authorities and returned to his blockade of the Acadian coat.  After a six-month ordeal aboard the Gillyflower, Françoise-Marie arrived safely in Boston, which her husband had recently visited.  Incensed by the unnecessary delay, she sued Bailly in court for L2,000, won her case, hired three vessels, filled them with supplies, and, despite d'Aulnay's blockade, returned to her husband in late December.30 

Charles La Tour, meanwhile, returned to Massachusetts to treat with John Endecott, the new governor of Massachusetts, who recently had replaced the long-serving Winthrop, now the colony's deputy-governor.  La Tour had the temerity to approach Endecott at his impressive home in Salem during the heat of in mid-July.  "He found the fiery ex-soldier--plump, middle-aged, his round face furnished with a small white goatee and moustache--in a sympathetic mood."  Endecott spoke French fluently, so La Tour, who did not speak English, would not have needed an interpreter.  Endecott agreed to call a meeting of the Boston magistrates for early August.  Employing a new tactic, La Tour reminded the Puritan leaders that he had been granted a barony in Nova Scotia by Sir William Alexander, now the Earl of Stirling, when the Scots controlled the colony.  He touted his long tenure in Acadia, dating back nearly three dozen years, and his possession of a seigneurie at Port-Royal long before d'Aulnay appeared on the scene.  After two meetings, in Boston and Salem, the magistrates were unable to settle the question of whether they should help La Tour again after the embarrassment of the year before.  Realizing that they feared d'Aulnay more than any other Frenchman, they chose to appease him with a carefully worded letter and to offer La Tour nothing of substance.  ...30b

D'Aulnay also was prepared to make amends with the Puritan leaders of New England.  He had before him a missive from Governor Winthrop sent to him in early spring of 1644, when he was still in France, and the recent letter from the new Massachusetts government, offering the hand of appeasement.  Perhaps fearing that the recent incarceration of the three merchants at Pentagouët may have soured the Puritans against him, he sent Capuchin brother François-Marie Ignace of Paris, perhaps in disguise, as an emissary to Boston to negotiate peace with the sitting magistrates.  On October 18, they granted d'Aulnay a treaty which recognized Acadia "as 'a province of New France'" but refused to give him assistance in his struggle with La Tour.30c 

No matter, d'Aulnay now possessed more than enough force to continue the blockade of the St.-Jean fort and wait for an opportunity to strike a final blow.  In February 1645, they learned that La Tour was away from the fort again, but the assault that followed failed miserably.  The next opportunity came in April, while La Tour was once again visiting his friends in Boston.  D'Aulnay resolved to lay siege to Fort Ste.-Marie and employ deception as well as force.  On April 13, "He put some cannon ashore, brought his ships up in front of the fort, and submitted it to a bombardment that destroyed part of the parapet."  With him was an overwhelming force of 200 men.  Madame La Tour and 45 of her husband’s men resisted them valiantly.  After a short siege, d’Aulnay rushed the fort on Easter Monday, April 18, losing a number of men in the struggle, including Isaac Pesseley, the merchant from Champagne and adjutant of the garrison at Port-Royal who had come to the colony with a wife and three children in 1636.  Incensed by the resistance of La Tour's wife and compatriots, as well as the loss of so many of his men, d'Aulnay, "'as an example and as a lesson to posterity of such an obstinate rebellion,'" forced mason André Bernard, one of La Tour's engagés, to execute his fellow survivors by hanging them.  Compounding the cruelty, d'Aulnay forced Madame La Tour to witness the atrocity, perhaps with a noose around her neck.  She died in May perhaps of injuries suffered in the assault.  Divested now of a wife and the last of his property, La Tour remained in Boston through the winter of 1645-46 before retreating to Canada, where he was welcomed by Governor Charles-Jacques Huault de Montmagny, Champlain's successor.  La Tour spent the next several years in busy exile and did not return to Acadia until several years after d'Aulnay's passing.30a

Nicolas Denys, still in France, raising his new family, watched these developments closely.  From La Rochelle, he arranged his own fishing and trading ventures to Newfoundland and especially into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where he hoped to turn his attention next.  Working quietly, he acquired a concession from the Company of New France along the Gulf, which he doubtlessly hoped would place plenty of distance between himself and the grasping d'Aulnay.  In c1645, during the height of the feud between d'Aulnay and La Tour, Denys returned to Acadia, this time with his young family, and built a new post on the south shore of Île Miscou, at the southern entrance to the Baie des Chaleurs.  As early as 1620, the Récollets, followed by the Jesuits in 1635, had established small settlements on Miscou and used the island as a headquarters for their mission activities.  French fishermen had established a station on the island in 1622, wintered over in 1626, and Richelieu's Company built a fortified post there in 1632.  Denys, ever a champion of the Indians, encouraged more Jesuits to come to the island.  Determined to sustain their efforts as well as his own interests, Denys ordered his colonists to clear the land and plant their crops.23

Having vanquished La Tour and made peace with the Puritans, d’Aulnay rebuilt the fort on Rivière St.-Jean, set up a profitable fur-trading venture there, and then turned on some of his other former associates, including Nicolas Denys.  He seized Miscou in 1647 and expelled Denys and his family.  D'Aulnay promised to compensate Denys for his losses, but he did not bother.  D'Aulnay next seized Fort St.-Pierre on Cape Breton Island.  At the time, the fort belonged to Company associate Guilles Guignard and was a key to control of the big island.31

By 1650, d’Aulnay’s control of Acadia stood unchallenged.  In February 1647, a decree of the new King, Louis XIV (for whom his mother, Anne of Austria, served as regent), had declared d'Aulnay Governor General and Seigneur of Acadia, his domains extending from the St. Lawrence all the way to Virginia--"the most sweeping delegation of vice-regal powers" since Henri IV's grant to Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, four and a half decades before.  The assumption by d’Aulnay of La Tour’s lucrative empire brought him great wealth and undisputed power, but his enemies in France did not give in.  In late 1647, the Company of New France issued a court challenge to d'Aulnay's assumption of power in Acadia following Razilly's death and asserted that d'Aulnay acquired the governorship of the colony "by an illegal procedure, without consulting the company."  The law suit also alleged that d'Aulnay had neglected the conversion of the Indians, the same charge brought against de Mons 40 years before.  Even more troubling for d'Aulnay, his relationship with partners Claude de Launay-Rasilly and Emmanuel Le Borgne soon deteriorated over unpaid obligations.  Nevertheless, d'Aulnay pressed on with his Acadian venture, taking the time in late January 1650 to write his will.  Keeping an eye on the fur trade and its promise of even greater wealth, he turned his attention to other enterprises, including lumbering and seal-fishing.  And he now could pay more attention to one of his original ventures, improving the agriculture settlement at Port-Royal, for which the law suit back in France insisted "he had done nothing over the years."32

Contrary to the accusation in the Company's law suit, d'Aulnay had done what he could to establish an agricultural base for Acadia.  At Port-Royal, archaeologist John S. Erskine tells us, d'Aulnay had built not only a fort but also "a chapel and a school; he brought over artisans from France to teach their skills to the colonists; he continued the conversion and education of the Indians; he improved the livestock and probably the variety of vegetables and flowers.  In fact, he spent for the benefit of the seigniory far more money than he had."  Another historian avers:  "By 1644, according to a memorandum from d'Aulnay" probably to the Company's directors, "the habitants of Port-Royal numbered two hundred men, including soldiers, laborers and other artisans, plus Capuchins, women, and children who were not enumerated."  This figure did not include the mixed-blood Indian children, the fruits of métissage, being raised in the settlement.  A successful innovation d'Aulnay encouraged among the habitants was the dyking of the extensive tidal marshes along the Port-Royal basin.  Using an innovative device--"a sluice fitted with a clapet that was forced shut by the rising tide on the seaward side, then pushed open as the tide fell by water draining from the fields"--in a few years time this marvel of engineering could leech the sea salt from the soil behind the dyke and turn tidal marshes into hay fields and then into fields of golden grain or whatever else the habitants chose to grow there.  During the time it took the aboiteaux, as the transplanted Frenchmen called their innovation, to leech the sea salt from the reclaimed soil, the dyked fields could serve as rich pasturage for sheep and cattle, as well as a source of salt for themselves and the cod fisheries.33

.

Then disaster struck again.  On 21 May 1650, Father François-Marie Ignace de Paris, superior of the Capuchins at Port-Royal and an admirer of the governor who had gone to Boston on d'Aulnay's behalf six years earlier, "watched him return by canoe from the marshes, 'soaked with rain and mud-stained up to his belt and elbows' after a difficult day 'planting stakes, tracing lines, and marking off with cords another plot of land to be drained.'"  On May 24, a "dark and stormy day," d’Aulnay was paddling from Port-Royal, perhaps to the place where he had been working three days before, when his canoe capsized in the tidal basin.  The swim to shore through the swirling tidal currents consumed an hour and a half of his energy and determination.  Now well into his middle age, the ordeal was too much for him.  "After dragging himself onto the bank," he died of exhaustion.  A few hours later, a party of Mi'kmaq came upon the governor's body.  They brought it to the north shore of the basin and sent word to the fort of what had happened.  Father François-Marie escorted the body back to Port-Royal and, after a solemn mass of the dead, buried it in the chapel "in the presence of his wife and all the soldiers and inhabitants."34

Suddenly the colonists had lost their most important leader.  To be sure, d'Aulnay's ambition, greed, and aggressiveness had caused chaos throughout Acadia when he attacked Denys and La Tour, his former associates.  But it was d’Aulnay more than anyone who had insured the survival of the struggling colony.  He had encouraged families to put down roots in the Port-Royal basin, where they could create an agricultural foundation on which to build a commercial enterprise that would endure.  D'Aulnay's sudden death left Acadia in great confusion.  His leadership was gone.  His creditors were many.  It was anyone’s guess who would replace him.34a

Nicolas Denys wasted little time taking advantage of d'Aulnay's sudden passing.  In c1651, he returned to Acadia with his older brother Simon and their families.  The brothers expanded their holdings along the Gulf of St. Lawrence and on Cape Breton Island, with posts on the big island at forts St.-Pierre, today's St. Peter's, which Nicolas held, and Ste.-Anne, on an inlet along the middle Atlantic shore not far from the narrow entrance to the Bras d'Or Lakes, which Simon rebuilt.  Both of the Cape Breton posts had existed before the Denyss took them over:  Charles Daniels had built a post at Ste.-Anne's in the summer of 1629 near an old French cod-fishing center, and Richelieu's Company likely had built Fort St.-Pierre during the late 1630s or early 1640s.34b

The death of d’Aulnay resurrected his other old antagonist, Charles La Tour.  When the "outlaw" heard that d’Aulnay was dead, he left his refuge in Québec and hurried to France, where "he begged that an inquiry be made into his conduct as well as into the faults of both he and the Companie de la Nouvelle-France had found in d'Aulnay's conduct."  In February 1651, La Tour secured not only a pardon for his misdeeds, but also the governorship of Acadia!  The letters patent awarding him the title granted him "exactly the same powers that d'Aulnay had received four years earlier"--such was the fickle nature of the French royal court.  La Tour chose as his new lieutenant Philippe Mius d’Entremont, an army captain from Cherbourg, Normandy, and his childhood friend, and hurried back to Acadia.  At Port-Royal, La Tour found that the representatives of d’Aulnay’s powerful creditors already had visited the fort there.  Emmanuel Le Borgne, the wealthy La Rochelle merchant and former agent of the dead governor, insisted that the d’Aulnay estate owed him 260,000 livres!  In November 1650, three months before La Tour was named governor, Le Borgne had secured from d'Aulnay's aged father, René de Menou de Charnisay, "a formal recognition" of his claims on the dead governor's estate, which included "'all the dwelling of La Heve, Port Royal, Pentagoet, the St. John river as well as Miscou, the island of Cape Breton and other dependencies."  Le Borgne sent an expedition to Acadia the following spring to satisfy the claim.  The Capuchin fathers at Port-Royal tried to protect the interests of Madame d’Aulnay, but Le Borgne’s men, led by the creditor's agent, Saint-Mas, pillaged the settlement anyway.  La Tour compounded the widow’s problems by demanding the return of his old fort on Rivière St.-Jean.  She was powerless to stop him, and so he finally returned to Fort Ste.-Marie to recoup his Acadian fortunes.  He ordered d’Entremont, who had recently come to Acadia with his wife and a daughter, to rebuild the trading post at Cap-Sable.  In July 1653, La Tour awarded the seigneurie of Pobomcoup, near the cape, to d'Entremont and another associate, Pierre Ferrand.  This left only Port-Royal and its immediate environs to the widow d’Aulnay.35

Meanwhile, Le Borgne, still in France, was determined to recoup what the estate still owed him and to gain control of the colony.  In June 1651, he sent one of his sons to Boston to improve relations with the New Englanders while asserting the family's claims.  In October, Le Borgne's men, led by a La Rochelle merchant, probably François Guibourt, and claiming to be agents of d'Aulnay's widow, seized Chédabouctou west of Canso, burned La Hève, and swooped down on forts St.-Pierre and Ste.-Anne on Cape Breton Island.  Nicolas Denys and brother Simon were at their posts on the big island.  Le Borgne's men slapped them in irons and took them to Québec as prisoners.  They remained for a while in Canada.  In May 1652, Nicolas left Québec and built a new post at Nepisiguit, west of Miscou, along the southern shore of the Baie des Chaleurs, far from peninsula Acadia; with him at Nepisiguit was Jean Bourdon de Romainville, whose wife Madeleine Daguerre "had been raised by Mme d'Aulnay."  Le Borgne's men, meanwhile, learned that d'Aulnay's widow, at the behest of the Capuchin fathers, had secured patronage in France from the influential César, duc de Vendôme, King Louis XIV's uncle; the wily old duke had demanded, and secured, from the widow's valet-turned-agent half of her rights to the seigneuries of Port-Royal, La Hève, Rivière St.-Jean, and on Cape Breton Island.  Undeterred, Le Borgne's men seized Port-Royal in 1652, imprisoned two Capuchins, Fathers Côme de Mantes and Gabriel de Joinville, and the widow's agent's mother, Mme de Brice, and forced them to return to France.  Mindful of the power of the duc de Vendôme, Le Borgne's men left the widow and her children alone in d'Aulnay's habitation at Port-Royal.37

Determined to stay clear of Le Borgne's henchmen, to solve the widow’s financial problems as well as his own, and "to put an end to the disastrous rivalry between their factions," La Tour agreed to marry the good woman.  Having received no assistance from her patron in France, and determined to protect her own and her children's interests, she agreed to the match.  The marriage contract was signed at Port-Royal on 24 February 1653; among the witnesses were Germain Doucet de La Verdure and Jacques Bourgeois.  The ceremony took place the following July; Charles was 60-years-old at the time, and Jeanne was 38.  He "agreed to look after d'Aulnay's eight children:  the four girls would enter convents and the four boys, the military."  By 1654, Jeanne began adding to the number of La Tours who would call Acadia home.  "His marriage to the widow of the man who had ruined him and banished him from the colony as a pirate made Latour sole master of all Acadia, with the exception of the fief controlled by Nicolas Denys," one historian observes.  But financial matters are seldom solved so easily.36

Le Borgne himself sailed to Acadia aboard the Châteaufort at the head of a hundred men.  In July 1653, at Port-Royal, he compelled the widow d'Aulnay, now Madame La Tour, to verify his claims to her late husband's estate; the paper he compelled her to sign recognized a debt to him of 200,000 livres.  To satisfy the claim, Le Borgne seized Pentagouët and La Hève, which belonged to the widow, and forts St.-Pierre and Nepisiguit, which belonged to Nicolas Denys, destroying what he found there.  He captured Denys at Nepisiguit and imprisoned him once again, this time in the dungeon at Port-Royal, before allowing him to return to France.  In late 1653, Le Borgne also returned to France, where he enticed the same powerful patron d'Aulnay's widow had retained the year before, the duc de Vendôme.  So armed, by late spring of 1654 Le Borgne had returned to Acadia aboard the Châteaufort with provisions, merchandise, and a hundred men to secure his and the duc's claims in the colony.  Denys, meanwhile, asserted his rights at court, and the King ruled in his favor.  In December 1653, for 15,000 livres, Denys purchased from the Company of New France "the rights to the coast and islands of the Gulf of St. Lawrence from Cap Canso to Cap des Rosiers on the Gaspé.  This vast territory included Cape Breton as well as the Îles de la Madeleine, Île Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island), and all other islands in the gulf."  Although the court did not order compensation for losses at his holdings on Cape Breton Island and at Nepisiguit, Denys did return to Acadia with a royal commission, secured in late January 1654, as "governor" of his former and present domains--some protection, at least for now, from further depredations at the hands of d'Aulnay's chief creditor.  Back at Fort St.-Pierre in the spring of 1654, Denys warned his friend La Tour of Le Borgne's plans to seize him and his fort on Rivière St.-Jean.  Le Borgne learned of the treachery, felt out La Tour's defenses, realized that an attack against La Tour would be ill-advised, and returned to Port-Royal by the middle of July.  There matters stood in the chaos-ridden colony when, only a few days after Le Borgne retreated to Port-Royal, the English appeared in overwhelming force, again intending to stay.36a

The English Seize the Colony Again

Although not directly related, the turmoil in Acadia mirrored the recent turmoil in France.  As the death of d'Aulnay in 1650 proved to be a turning point in Acadian history, the rise of France's new monarch, Louis XIV, would prove to be a turning point in European history.  In 1648, the Peace of Westphalia, actually a series of treaties negotiated at Osnabrück and Münster in the German province of Westphalia, ended the Thirty Years' War, which had pitted Catholic Bourbon France against Catholic Hapsburg Austria and devastated huge swatches of central and southern Europe.  During the long struggle, Cardinal Richelieu had depended on the powerful French nobles to provide armies for the fight against Austria and its allies.  While France and its allies were piling up victory after victory against the Hapsburg states, Richelieu died in 1642.  The following year, Louis XIII died, and his queen, Anne of Austria, became regent for their four-year-old son, Louis XIV, but she did rule alone.  In subsequent years, she delegated more and more power to her chief minister, Giulio Raimondo Mazzarino, known to history as Cardinal Mazarin, a protégé of Richelieu, who continued his predecessor's policy of monarchist centralization.  The Peace of Westphalia found France victorious but exhausted and still fighting Spain, another Hapsburg kingdom, in a war that had began in 1635.  Even more troubling for the kingdom, in January 1648, the year of the Peace, domestic revolt erupted in Paris and slowly spread to the rest of France--the so-called Fronde.  The French parlements, a collection of regional appellate courts, not legislatures, led by the Parlement of Paris, along with some of the powerful nobles, revolted against the centralizing policies of Mazarin, which pitted the courts and the nobles against the queen mother and the new King, who was only 10 years old when the revolt began.  After five years of civil war that devastated the northeastern and southwestern provinces, the Fronde ended in 1653.  The King, now age 15, never forgot this challenge to royal authority and encouraged Mazarin to bring the nation closer to absolute monarchy.  The war with Spain, which was ended, finally, by the Treaty of the Pyrenees in 1659, included a battle at Dunkirk, in northwestern France, that saw English "redcoats" make their first appearance on a continental battlefield, in June 1658.36b

Much also had transpired on the isle of Great Britain since the English and Scots last held Acadia in 1632.  In the early 1640s, civil war erupted in England, pitting King Charles I against his recalcitrant Parliament, whose forces eventually were led by the dour Puritan, Oliver Cromwell.  By 1646, after bloody fighting that devastated much of England, the Roundheads of Parliament defeated the Royalist forces.  Charles, however, was a stubborn Scotsman and refused to follow the reforms that Parliament exacted from him.  War broke out in 1648, and, again, the Roundheads defeated the Royalists.  Cromwell's army and the so-called Rump Parliament arrested, tried, and convicted Charles as an enemy of the state!  On 30 January 1649, he became the only monarch in English history to be executed by his own people.  His heirs, sons Charles and James, after taking refuge in Scotland, fled to France and Holland to escape a similar fate.  England became a republic, known as the Commonwealth, which France recognized in 1652.  The following year, England's first written constitution named Oliver Cromwell Lord Protector, and the army essentially ruled Great Britain and Ireland until Cromwell's death in 1658.  Meanwhile, in 1652, war had broken out between the English and the Dutch, which Cromwell ended successfully two years later.37a

During that struggle, an English seaborne expedition under Robert Sedgwick of Boston, a Puritan adherent of Cromwell and former major-general of Massachusetts militia, was ordered to attack the Dutch colony at New Amsterdam, in favor of its New English commercial rival, New Haven, Connecticut.  Before he could attack Manhattan, however, Sedgwick learned that the war against the Dutch had ended.  One of Sedgwick biographers notes:  "Since his commission from Cromwell of 8 Feb. 1653/54, as general of the fleet and commander-in-chief of all the New England coast, authorized him to make reprisals against French commerce for attacks on English vessels by French privateers commissioned by princes Rupert and Charles, he resolved to use this power to secure the rich fur-trading and fishing resources of Acadia for New England and the Protectorate."  "Not one to let men and matériel go to waste," another historian avers, Sedgwick sailed north on July 4 with 170 men in three ships, the Augustine, the Church, and the Hope, as well as a ketch.  During the second week of July, soon after Le Borgne had left the place, Sedgwick lay siege to La Tour's Fort Ste.-Marie on Rivière St.-Jean.  After a few days of fighting, Sedgwick accepted the surrender of La Tour and his 70 men on July 14.  As a spoil of "war," he and his men confiscated a large supply of moose skins.  Although Sedgwick held the "governor" as a prisoner of war, he allowed the Frenchman "some freedom of movement."  At the end of July, Sedgwick beat back a French ambush in the Port-Royal basin.  After a siege that destroyed the church, the monastery, and the homes of some of the inhabitants, Sedgwick seized the Port-Royal fort on August 8.  The town's defenses were commanded by Germain Doucet de La Verdure and his lieutenant, surgeon turned merchant Jacques Bourgeois, who was fluent in English.  Professor Naomi Griffiths relates:  "At Port Royal, the situation" for Sedgwick "demanded much more political subtlety than had been the case at La Tour's fort....  The military surrender" at Port-Royal "was the same accorded La Tour.  The commander, [Doucet de] La Verdure, and his 'soldiers and domestics,'" which probably comprised many of the local settlers, "were also allowed to 'leave the fort with their arms, drums beating, flags displayed, fusil on shoulder.'"  Sedgwick, whose invasion of Acadia had been made during a time of "peace" between England and France, handled the defeated Frenchmen, especially Emmanuel Le Borgne, with kid gloves.  To appease Madame La Tour, Sedgwick guaranteed her children by d'Aulnay "their property--furniture, buildings, and cattle."  Addressing the Capuchin missionaries and the local inhabitants, who evidently had resisted his attack, Sedgwick negotiated with Le Borgne and Capuchin Father Léonard de Chartres an agreement that gave them the choice of returning to France or remaining in Acadia.  The settlers who chose to remain--probably most of them--"were granted freedom of conscience and the right to remain in their own homes, with whatever possessions they held, on the condition that they recognized whatever seigneurial obligations they owed," which doubtlessly pleased Le Borgne, who, as d'Aulnay's creditor, still claimed seigneurial rights at Port-Royal.  This was good news for the settlers as well, whose land ownership now was secure.  Sedgwick's guarantee of "freedom of conscience" could be seen as a lack of interest in conversion, as well as his hope that the settlers would be encouraged now to question their devotion to papism.  Those inhabitants who chose to return to France "would be provided with passage at their expense and they would have ... the right to sell whatever they wished of their property, providing it was to people who would remain in the colony."  None of the inhabitants, however, would be compensated for cattle already taken by Sedgwick's soldiers.  The priests who chose to remain in the colony were ordered not to settle "within two or three leagues of the fort itself"--another attempt by Sedgwick to limit the influence of Catholicism among the French settlers.  The capitulation document hints that Doucet de La Verdure would not remain at the post, that perhaps he would be taken away as a prisoner.  Sedgwick left Port-Royal in charge of a council of inhabitants headed by syndic Guillaume Trahan, the edge tool maker turned farmer, who was among the signers of the surrender agreement.  That Port-Royal had a syndic--which, Professor Griffiths explains, was similar to a secular churchwarden--revealed that, by 1654, "the settlers were regarded as something more than colonists with no political identity, under the absolute control of officials dispatched from France."  On his way back to Boston, Sedgwick seized Pentagouët on September 2 and left it in charge of former d'Aulnay associate Peter Crushett.  Emmanuel Le Borgne returned to France aboard the Châteaufort, leaving his eldest son, Emmanuel du Coudray, at Port-Royal "as a token of good faith," and did what he could to hang on to his interests in the colony.  Nicolas Denys remained in Acadia, made deals with the new English overlords, and was left in peace to resume his commercial operations in what historians have described as "a border colony between two great empires."37b 

Back in Boston by early September, Sedgwick appointed his son-in-law, Major John Leverett, a veteran of the English Civil War, as military commander in Acadia.  But before Sedgwick could return in triumph to England, with Charles La Tour in tow, the General Court of Massachusetts ordered to him to explain his actions in exceeding his commission from Cromwell.  Members of the Court were especially concerned about the harm Sedgwick's actions may have done to New English trade with the Acadians.  "Sedgwick's answer to his questioners," Professor Griffiths relates, "was the declaration of his accomplishments, rather than any argued reply."  On September 20, the General Court ordered a day of thanksgiving, which Sedgwick no doubt interpreted as approbation.37d

In London by December 1654, La Tour used the influence of one of the Kirkes to secure an interview with Cromwell, which was granted to the Frenchman, finally, in the autumn of 1656.  La Tour "asked for the return of his property on the grounds that England and France had been at peace when the capture took place."  Cromwell refused to compensate him for the loss of property, agreeing only to recognize his baronetcy in Nova Scotia, issued by Sir William Alexander in 1630 but refused by La Tour at the time.  Cromwell also agreed to recognize Charles La Tour's status as his father's heir.  Charles, in turn, must acknowledge "English allegiance" by taking an oath to the Commonwealth, pay off his Boston creditors, and compensate Sedgwick for the cost of the Acadian conquest, including maintenance of a garrison at his former fort on Rivière St.-Jean--L1,800!  Defeated, dispirited, too tired to go on, La Tour agreed to the onerous terms.  On 20 September 1656, he ceded Port-Royal, which he claimed was his, to his new partners, Englishmen Thomas Temple, nephew of a powerful viscount, and William Crowne, an influential merchant.  To help him raise the L15,000 he needed to pay off his debts to the Boston Puritans, La Tour surrendered control of the St.-Jean fort to Temple, and Crowne received the post at Pentagouët.  In exchange, the Englishmen promised to respect his title as Acadia's "governor," allow him to keep his seigneurie at Cap-Sable, and protect him from Le Borgne, whom the French court had named proprietary governor of Acadia in December 1657.  The fort on Rivière St.-Jean no longer his, and having awarded the seigneurie at Cap-Sable to associates Philippe Mius d'Entremont and Pierre Ferrand in 1653, the former governor lived probably at Port-Royal in the house his wife had inherited from d'Aulnay.  Charles La Tour died probably at Port-Royal in c1663, age about 70, a widower again, Jeanne having died the year before giving birth to their youngest son.  His descendants included daughters by his first and third wives, and paternal lines through two of his sons, Jacques de La Tour, who married a daughter of Charles Melanson dit La Ramée; and Charles de La Tour, who married a Parisian, both sons from his third wife, Jeanne.  Most of the La Tours remained in Acadia, where their father and grandfather had been prominent players for over half a century.  Displaying the tenacity of their ancestor, the La Tours asserted their rights to ancestral seigneuries well into the eighteenth century.  By dint of longevity and social prominence, then, the descendants of Claude and Charles La Tour rightly can be called the First Family of Acadia.37c 

Having secured an arrêt against the grasping Le Borgne, Nicolas Denys, back at Fort St.-Pierre on Cape Breton Island, remained in possession of his many concessions, including the trade in furs, acquired from the local Indians, and fishing rights from Gaspé "'as far as Virginia.'"  English possession of peninsula Acadia and the coast of Maine after 1654, however, discouraged him from pushing his fishing operations south of Canso.  From 1654 to 1664, he and his associates made annual voyages to and from France, leaving for the mother country in May and returning in October, the hold of their ship filled with cod and fur.  In 1658, the Le Borgnes claimed fishing rights at Canso, so, the following year, Denys established a new fishing post at Chédabouctou, today's Guysborough, Nova Scotia, west of Canso, where he moved his family in 1660.  In 1663, Norman trader François Doublet added to his concessions on the St. Lawrence by obtaining "the right to exploit the Îles-de-la-Madeleine and Île Saint-Jean ..." in the Gulf of St. Lawrence.  Since his grant came so close to Denys's holdings, Doublet informed him of his plans, but the venture failed within three years.  By 1664, Nicolas's own trading ventures were consumed by debt, and he no longer could acquire enough credit to prosper.  But that was not the worst of his problems.  Beginning about 1660, no doubt with the approbation of the English, Frenchmen A. M. de Cangé or Canger and the Sieur de La Giraudière, established a fishing post of their own along Rivière Ste.-Marie on the Atlantic coast, where La Giraudière built "a fortified house 'with two pieces of brass cannon and some swivel guns'" south of present-day Sherbrooke, Nova Scotia.  Through treachery and influence peddling, Cangé and La Giraudière attempted to assert their rights over Denys's concession at Chédabouctou as well.  "An armed clash resulted and the conflict persisted for some years," until Denys was forced to move his family back to Fort St.-Pierre and return--again--to France to protect his holdings.  In November 1667, Denys, now in his mid-60s, secured an affirmation of his rights in Acadia and returned to the colony.  A year later, during the winter of 1668/69, Fort St.-Pierre was consumed by a fire that destroyed his home and what was left of his business there.  Financially ruined, he retreated with his family into virtual retirement at distant Nepisiguit, where he wrote his memoirs, entitled Description Géographique et histoire des costes de l'Amérique septentrionale, avec l'histoire naturelle du païs, published in two volumes in 1672.  Denys hoped the memoir would stimulate more interest in the colony.   Before leaving for France in 1671 to see to its publication, he designated his only surviving son, Richard de Fronsac, now in his early 20s, as his lieutenant.  Nicolas's wife Marguerite also was still living.  With son-in-law Michel Le Neuf de La Vallière, husband of daughter Marie, Mme. Denys would assist her son in supervising the family's affairs.  Unfortunately for his financial interests, Denys's memoirs were not well received.  Moreover, having failed to establish enough colonists on his far-flung concessions, the Company of New France had been rewarding many of them--Îles-de-la-Madeleine, Chédabouctou, Miscou, Percé--to other proprietors.  In 1677, however, Denys received from the intendant of New France an order granting him control of the coal and gypsum beds on Cape Breton Island, which others had accessed over the years without permission or payment.  He was still at Paris in 1685, "living in beggary."  Perhaps in that same year he returned to Acadia, but his advanced age--he was in his early 80s--compelled him to leave his remaining business interests to son Richard.  Nicolas died probably at Nepisiguit in 1688, in his mid-80s.  Meanwhile, in c1680, Richard married first to an Indian, Anne Patarabego, who gave him a daughter and a son, and in October 1689 at Québec remarried to Françoise Cailleteau, daughter of a Canadian merchant who also was a cousin; she gave him another son.  During the autumn of 1685 and the summer of 1686, Richard and his Indian wife hosted not only New French Intendant Jacques de Meulles, but also Jean-Baptiste de Saint-Vallier, the Bishop of Québec, at their manor house, surrounded by a four-bastioned stone fort, at Miramichi, on the coast south of Nepisiguit.  "In the fall of 1691, Richard ... died at sea.  The ship on which he had embarked for Québec, Le Saint-François-Xavier, was lost with all hands"; he was only 44 years old.  Richard's older son, Nicolas dit Fronsac, also married an Indian named Marie.  Richard's younger son, Louis, did not marry but died in combat at age 20 during Queen Anne's War.  Nicholas dit Fronsac and his Indian wife settled at Beaumont, below Québec, where they raised four children, a daughter and three sons, but only the daughter married.  Nicolas Denys's descendants, then, like those of his older brother Simon, chose to become Canadians, not Acadians, perhaps eschewing the colony where their distinguished ancestors had been treated so shabbily.38

Emmanuel Le Borgne refused to give up on Acadia, or at least on his financial interests there, using his sons to placate and later to harass the English conquerors.  Eldest son Emmanuel du Coudray, age 18 in 1654, remained in Port-Royal as a "hostage" before returning to France.  Unfortunately for Le Borgne, English military governor Leverett and his father-in-law, Robert Sedgwick, "enforced a virtual trade monopoly on French Acadia for their benefit, leading some in the colony to view Leverett as a predatory opportunist.  Leverett funded much of the cost of the occupation himself, and then petitioned Cromwell's government for reimbursement.  Although Cromwell authorized payment, he made it contingent on the colony performing an audit of Leverett's finances, which never took place."  As a result, Leverett was never compensated for the expense.  Meanwhile, after the death of Robert Sedgwick in May 1656, Cromwell awarded rights in Nova Scotia to Colonel Thomas Temple, nephew of Lord Fiennes, a member of Cromwell's council.  In May 1657, after arriving from Boston, Temple removed Leverett as military commander and consolidated his interests in the colony, including posts claimed by the Le Borgnes, La Tour's old fort at the mouth of Rivière St.-Jean, a new post upriver at Jemseg, and his main establishment at Pentagouët, from where Temple "spent most of his time and energy asserting his personal rights to the fur trade."38a  

Professor Griffiths tells us that, at the time, "England's interests [in Nova Scotia] were of minor concern in London, but a matter of considerable attention and concern for merchants and policy makers in Boston."  One suspects that in the last years of Mazarin's rule, French interests in Acadia also took a back seat to other matters plaguing the court of the young King.  Nevertheless, in November 1657, the Company of New France awarded Le Borgne, up to then only d'Aulnay's creditor, a huge grant in Acadia, excluding from his domain previous grants the Company had given to Denys and La Tour.  In its grant to Le Borgne, the Company stipulated that the border in Maine between French Acadia and New England lay along the St. George River, southwest of Penobscot Bay.  The following month, on December 10, seeing that Charles La Tour had succumbed to the English, Mazarin revoked La Tour's patents and named Le Borgne as proprietary governor of Acadia.  Le Borgne did not return to "his" colony, however, but sent his sons there instead.  In May 1658, Alexandre, only 18 years old, "at the head of a force of fifty men," retook the fort at La Hève and then attacked Temple's fort at Port-La Tour, near Cap-Sable.  Temple hurried to Acadia from Boston, counterattacked, wounded the young Le Borgne, captured him, and took him to Boston and then to London, where he was "held captive for some years."  In November 1658, the French ambassador to England "delivered a strongly worded complaint to the English government to the effect that the English had attacked Port Royal, Saint John, and Pentagöuet, burned the church, and committed other damage."  The French thus were reminding the English that "there still remained a French colony south of the Gaspé peninsula."  To appease the French, with whom the English were still at "peace," in September 1659 Temple agreed to return La Hève to the Le Borgnes.38e 

Cromwell had died in 1658 and was succeeded as Lord Protector by his feckless son, Richard, who soon abdicated his vaunted position.  The restoration of Charles II to the English throne in 1660 led to the repudiation of Cromwell's colonial grants and threatened Temple's hegemony in Nova Scotia.  Claimants for grants in the colony included Thomas Elliott, a court favorite, and Sir Lewis Kirke, heir of Sir William Alexander.  The King named Elliott governor of Nova Scotia, but Temple managed to buy him out.  By 1662, Temple "had managed to consolidate his position as the appointed English authority for Acadia, albeit at some financial cost, and had been granted a knight baronetcy"--he now was Sir Thomas Temple.  In 1664, he "forced out some French fishermen at Port Rossignol and established himself there and at Mirliguèche," demonstrating that he had every intention of exerting his rights in the colony.  "Acadia, commonly called Nova Scotia," then fell quiet.  In 1664, about the time that Temple had taken Port Rossignol and Mirliguèche, an English force seized the Dutch settlement of New Amsterdam, which helped ignite the Second Anglo-Dutch War in March 1665.  Louis XIV took advantage of the conflict and invaded the Spanish Netherlands.  Despite a number of victories over a superior Dutch navy, the English suffered humiliating defeats in both England and Virginia.  The treaty ending both wars was signed in the Dutch city of Breda in July 1667:  England would retain control of New York colony, which they had created from New Netherland, but the treaty "spelled ruin for Temple" by restoring Acadia to France.  On 31 December 1667, Charles II ordered Temple to surrender "the five Acadian forts" to Morillon Du Bourg, the French commissioner empowered to carry out the provisions of the Breda treaty in Acadia.  Letters patent "naming specifically 'the forts and habitations of Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal and Cape Sable'" were issued in mid-February 1668.  Temple and the General Court of Massachusetts protested vigorously against the retrocession.  Temple insisted that Pentagöuet belonged to "New Plymouth," not to Acadia, and laid the foundation for decades of conflict over the boundaries of Nova Scotia and Acadia.  In August 1668, Charles II ordered Temple to "'forbear delivery'" of the colony.  Meanwhile, Emmanuel Le Borgne named his son Alexandre as titular governor of Acadia; Alexandre, only 28 years old, assumed the name Le Borgne de Bélisle.  In October 1668, with Du Bourg, the young governor sailed along the Acadian coast so that the commissioner could see what the English soon would return to the French.  During the journey, Du Bourg "officially installed Belle-Isle in command of the colony."  In Boston, Du Bourg learned from Temple of Charles II's August order that "the island of St. Christopher was to be surrendered to the English before Acadia was returned to the French...."  The young Bélisle, meanwhile, had retaken the fishing settlement of Port Rossignol.  Temple complained about the seizure to Du Bourg, who advised Alexandre to return to France.  Finally, in August 1669, London ordered Temple "to comply with the terms of the peace treaty and deliver the colony to the French."  Alexandre, meanwhile, remained in the mother country until the English finally surrendered the colony.  But when he returned to Acadia he did not do so as the colony's governor.  By then, the French court finally had come to the realization that, in the colony's six and a half decades of existence, government by monopoly and proprietary fiat had been an utter failure.  As a result, Alexandre Le Borgne de Bélisle "served" as the last proprietary governor of French Acadia.38f

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The inhabitants of Port-Royal, meanwhile, continued to live as they had done since the first of them had arrived in the basin with d’Aulnay during the late 1630s.  None of them likely had been around during the chaos of the 1620s, but a few of them could remember the resumption of strife after Razilly's untimely death in 1636.  More immediate were the struggles between d'Aulnay and La Tour in the 1640s; Le Borgne, La Tour, and Denys during the early 1650s; and the present difficulties between the Le Borgnes and their new English overlords.  The turmoil took its toll on recruitment back in France, but there were other factors that had limited growth in French-controlled Acadia.  Historian Naomi Griffiths explains:  "The slow growth of the European population in the colony since 1636 was partly the result of French migration patterns and partly of the strife between the Acadian leaders, which had affected the pace and manner of settlement of the colony, its religious life, and its attitude towards its English Protestant neighbours.  Both d'Aulnay and Le Tour had organized the passage of quite a considerable number of people across the Atlantic between 1636 and 1650.  However, the majority were men brought over primarily for military purposes, whether as soldiers or as craftsmen, and for limited service contracts.  A few, particularly craftsmen, determined to settle after their contract was ended, but the majority were part and parcel of those who saw the Atlantic as something that did not pose much greater dangers than a long journey overland--a dangerous passage, perhaps, but one they intended to cross in both directions.  Such were the craftsmen recruited by La Tour's agent, Guillaume Desjardins, whose contracts still exist:  gunsmith and carpenter in 1640; nail maker and blacksmith, wood sawyer, baker, and mason in 1641.  Similarly, d'Aulnay brought over such craftsman through Emmanuel Le Borgne.  There is no evidence to suggest that any of these individuals remained after their contracts were ended."  The craftsmen who did remain faced a very different world than the one they had known back in France.  There, in making a living for themselves and their families, they would have been confined to the use of their particular skills, tightly regulated by the guild system.  But Acadia was a North American frontier, with economic verities of its own.  "In Port Royal," Professor Griffiths tells us, "there were some specialized craftsmen, especially smiths and carpenters, but all settlers would find it useful, if not imperative, to have some knowledge of woodwork and smithing.  Hard and fast categories of occupation, exclusive reliance upon one activity, would be a great handicap in the early decades of the colony.  Most men would hunt, fish, farm, carpenter, and repair tools."38b 

Another circumstance that may have limited immigration to Acadia, especially by farmers, was the nature of land tenure at La Hève and Port-Royal during the late 1630s and 1640s.  Professor Griffiths tells us that there "is no record of the terms on which the land was actually worked.  Comments were made by Denys to the effect that d'Aulnay treated the settlers as 'serfs, without allowing them to make any gain.'  There is some evidence, from a generation later, that the terms might have been those of sharecroppers, ownership of the land being retained by d'Aulnay and rent paid in the form of a percentage of the crop harvested.  Equipment, seed, and animals would be provided as well by d'Aulnay against this share in the products."  The death of d'Aulnay and especially the arrival of the English in 1654 significantly changed the nature of land tenure in the Port-Royal basin.  Even though Robert Sedgwick and Thomas Temple did not to impose on Port-Royal a New English system of land holding, Griffiths observes, their successor's failure to reinforce French customs "meant that Acadian land tenure began to resemble the traditional English freehold system rather than a seigneurial system."38d 

The women who remained in the colony, either wives or daughters, "were fully occupied.  Domestic tasks were their domain, food and clothing the major products."  Yet, unlike their husbands and fathers, the life of most women on the Acadian frontier perhaps was not so very different from what they would have known back in France.  "Women had responsibility for the preparing and preservation of food, and, as often as not, the responsibility for dairy and poultry products," Professor Griffiths tells us.  "As well, the care of the garden, once the land had been dug, was theirs.  The preservation of food, both long and short term, meant the preservation of meat, by salting and drying.  It involved the making of all forms of preserves, jams, and jellies and the storing of vegetables and fruits for the winter.  At the same time, while tailors had come out to the colony, the majority of textiles were spun, woven, dyed, and sewn at home.  More than anything else, however, children ensured that women's lives were centered upon the household."38c

By the early 1650s, although families were only in the first and second generations and socioeconomic institutions were still in their infancy, Port-Royal was becoming an island of domestic tranquility in a tossing sea of commercial and imperial rivalry.  In 1640, the colony held "some 120 colonists and 40 soldiers."  In 1644, d'Aulnay counted 200 colonists, including soldiers, artisans, and laborers.  By 1650, the population "had reached no more than 300 people, or some fifty families."  As their numbers grew by natural increase, the settlers moved farther up the basin and into the valley above it, creating new farm land from the salt marshes along the river with their sturdy aboiteaux.  While being held at Port-Royal in 1653, Nicolas Denys observed the remarkable growth of the settlement:  "There are numbers of meadows on both shores, and two islands which possess meadows, and which are 3 or 4 leagues from the fort in ascending," he wrote in his memoirs, published many years later.  "There is a great extent of meadows which the sea used to cover, and which the Sieur d'Aulnay had drained.  It bears now fine and good wheat."  He described how the settlers moved steadily upstream to get away from the prying eyes of the authorities at the fort and to create more farmland from the marshes.  "There they have again drained other lands which bear wheat in much greater abundance than those which they cultivated round the fort, good though those were.  All the inhabitants there are the ones whom Monsieur le Commandeur de Razilly had brought from France to La Have; since that time they have multiplied much at Port Royal, where they have a great number of cattle and swine."  Denys observed all of this about the time the English seized the colony.  "Although we may accept Denys’s belief that [the inhabitants at Port-Royal] gave up their homes near the fort to move away from immediate English surveillance,"  Andrew Hill Clark concedes, "the direction of the move was a natural one if they were seeking more marshlands and there is no evidence that the English paid much attention to them.  Certainly their new masters, whether from New or old England, had not the slightest interest in settling or actively developing the part of Acadia they controlled:  their interest was solely in furs and in the control of Indian attacks on New England, and the Acadians at least were protected from attacks from that area."  Happily, a change in masters had not ended the trade that was essential to Acadia's survival; it, in fact, had only redirected it.  Commerce that had once linked Port-Royal to France and Québec now centered on Boston.  Unfortunately for the Acadians who moved higher up the valley, they found themselves stuck in a virtual cul de sac which tended to limit their access to New English trade.39 

Back in France, momentous changes at the highest levels of government would have a dramatic effect on the future of Acadia.  Cardinal Mazarin died in March 1661, and Louis XIV, now age 23, "initiated major administrative reforms, laying the foundation both for internal development and for overseas expansion.  Building upon the work of the great cardinals, Richelieu and Mazarin, the monarch brought under his own supervision the authority previously vested in the major institutions of the state.  He asserted control over all official government correspondence, and thus over most official government action, by announcing on 10 March 1661 that, in future, all ministers would 'assist me with your counsels when I ask for them' but 'not sign anything, not even a passport ... without my command.'"  He then went on to pare down the administrative centre of the government, the king's council," which once numbered 30 or more members, most, if not all of them, powerful nobles.  Now, the High Council, as it came to be called, consisted of only three members besides the King:  a secretary of war, a secretary of state for foreign relations, and a superintendent for finances, not all of them members of the ancient nobility.  In 1663, the King revoked the charter of the Company of New France.  "This did not signal the end of trading companies as an arm of French expansion in North America," Professor Griffiths tells us.  "[I]n fact, such companies became both more numerous and larger over the next decades.  It did mean, however, the curtailment of their role as an arm of government.  Henceforth, until 1763, French affairs in North America would be the direct responsibility of the crown.  In practice, 'New France was now a province with the same royal administrative structures as the other provinces of the European homeland:  a military governor; an intendant in charge of justice, public order and financial administration; and a system of royal courts.'  Colonial affairs were now to be the business of the Ministry of the Marine in Paris, and, in 1663, this ministry was one of Colbert's responsibilities."  This was Jean-Baptiste Colbert, the King's new superintendent of finances, who also served as director of colonial affairs.  In 1663, the King decreed, and Colbert implemented, a major reorganization of the government in New France.  The office of governor in Canada would give way to that of governor-general, who would maintain a seat at Québec.  A Conseil-Souverain, or Sovereign Council, also would sit at Québec.  Its membership included the governor-general, the bishop (actually the vicar-apostolic at the time), and an intendant.  The 23 March 1665 commission for Intendant Jean Talon "stated explicitly that his authority included the supervision of financial and judicial matters throughout 'Canada, Acadia, the island of Newfoundland and other countries of France in North America.'"  To underscore this new policy, Colbert ordered the inhabitants at Port-Royal not to abandon their settlements in the face of English occupation; he was confident the colony soon would be restored to France.  Some families defied Colbert’s order and returned to the mother country or moved on to Canada.  Many, if not most, of them, however, refused to abandon their farms in the Port-Royal valley.39b  

This was their home now.  They had begun the unconscious process of becoming Acadians, not just Frenchmen.  Their sons and daughters had grown up and found suitable mates among their neighbors.  Married sons moved even farther up the valley and, with the help of family and friends, wrested from the salt marshes new plots of ground on which to raise food for families of their own.  The older folks looked forward to the birth of grandchildren and the blessings of an extended family.  A spirit of independence and self-sufficiency had taken hold of these French farmers.  France, in spite of herself, had planted sturdy roots in the troubled soil of Acadia.39a

Return of French Control and the First Acadian Census

Despite Colbert’s optimism, the English clung to Acadia, including the entire coast of Maine, even after the Treaty of Breda was signed in July 1667.  The English governor at the time, still Sir Thomas Temple, delayed turning over the colony to France as long as he could.  In July 1669, Louis XIV commissioned 42-year-old Hector d’Andigné de Grandfontaine, former captain of the Carignan-Salières Regiment and scion of an ancient noble family, to take possession of Acadia for France.  A mishap off the coast of Portugal near Lisbon in January 1670 delayed the expedition.  In February, the King appointed Grandfontaine governor of Acadia for three years.  In March, Grandfontaine set out for Boston again, this time aboard the St.-Sébastien with "some forty soldiers, thirteen officers, and eight aspiring colonists" in tow; one of those officers was Ensign Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin, destined to contribute much to Acadian history.  Temple, meanwhile, had been ordered in August 1669 "to comply with the terms of the peace treaty and deliver the colony to the French."  When Grandfontaine reached Boston in early summer of 1670 and presented to Temple letters from both Charles II and Louis XIV, the Englishman saw no choice but to give up the colony; he received the new French governor "courteously."  On July 7, Temple agreed upon the conditions of "restitution" and directed his deputy governor in Nova Scotia, Captain Richard Walker, "and all other officers to deliver 'Acadia and the forts of Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal, Laheve and Cape Sable to M. Grandfontaine, the representative of His Most Christian Majesty, Louis XIV.'"  Grandfontaine left Boston on July 17 and took possession of the stone fort at Pentagouët on August 5.  Following instructions from Colbert de Terron, the intendant of Rochefort, Grandfontaine established his headquarters at Pentagouët, near the disputed border with New England; further orders from France informed him that would be "subordinate to the governor and intendant of Canada," then Daniel de Rémy de Courcelle and Jean Talon.  From Pentagouët, Granfontaine sent his second-in-command, Pierre de Joybert de Soulanges et de Marson, who had served as his lieutenant in the Carignan-Salières Regiment, to oversee the surrender of the other posts.  The English garrison at Jemseg on Rivière St.-Jean surrendered to Joybert on August 27; it was the only new post Temple had built in the colony during his 12 years of control there.  The other posts occupied by the English had been established by the French decades before, though Temple and his lieutenants had done what they could to shore up their defenses and make them more livable.  Port-Royal surrendered on September 2, followed by La Hève and Fort La Tour at Cap-Sable.40 

Sixteen years of English occupation was over.  Acadia was finally back in French hands, this time under royal governance.  The new Acadian governor, Professor Griffiths observes, "had charge of a vast territory, comprising land now held by Maine, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, and was expected to establish French control over the coastline south of Pentagouët to the Kennebec as well as the area northeast along the coast, across the Bay of Fundy to Cape Breton.  He was also expected to oversee the Atlantic coast from Canso to the Gaspé peninsula, including what would become Prince Edward Island and all of present-day New Brunswick, as well as the area inland from the Bay of Fundy to the source of the St. John, if not farther north."  Yet, with only 40 men and 13 officers, Grandfontaine could garrison only Pentagouët, Jemseg, and Port-Royal; his force was too small to hold any other place.  "He had no naval support whatsoever, and had, in fact, purchased a ketch from Temple to give himself swift communication between Pentagouët and Port Royal."  And then there were the original dwellers of the vast lands claimed by the French:  "Within these lands the Mi'kmaq and the Malecite lived, convinced that they had never surrendered to the Europeans either permanent ownership of the land or sovereignty over their communities.  Not only were they, at this time, much more numerous than the settlers but without their cooperation the fur trade, one of the major economic staples of the colony, would collapse."40a

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The years of English occupation, ironically, had been beneficial for the relative hand full of Acadian settlers.  During the time of English control, trade between Acadia and New England became even more lucrative for all involved, and there had been a notable growth of settlement in the Port-Royal basin.  Andrew Hill Clark points out that "there was a substantially larger number of settlers up the Port Royal River above the fort than there had been sixteen years earlier; in Acadian terms almost a generation had grown up."  He adds:  "Documentation on the conditions of settlement and agriculture is almost completely lacking.  It has been inferred that after 1654 many of the French settlers moved on to Quebec or returned to France.  For those who remained (and they were, we think, the majority), we have to assume the gradual but inexorable increase of numbers and expansion of agriculture, the planting and reaping of grain, peas, flax, and vegetable crops, and the tending of sheep, swine and cattle.  If the period is largely a tabula rasa in the historical record, it was nevertheless one of consolidation and expansion of this nucleus of the Acadian population."  Grandfontaine's biographer, however, offers this cautionary note:  "The population of Port-Royal, abandoned to its own resources, was managing to live off its crops and its herds, but lacked clothes and tools.  Isolation had also developed the spirit of independence," which would not have been applauded by the new royal governor.41

With the resumption of French control in Acadia, immigration into the colony resumed in earnest, and the Acadians' trade with New English merchants, now more or less illicit but still an essential part of Acadian life, continued unabated.  Members of the Carignan-Salières Regiment arrived with Grandfontaine and his lieutenants, and some of them later married Acadian women.  In the spring of 1671, Colbert de Terron sent 60 new settlers, including a woman and four girls, to Acadia aboard L’Oranger.  Other settlers arrived from Canada.42

That same spring, just before L'Oranger reached Port-Royal, Grandfontaine, following orders from France, directed Récollet Father Laurent Molin, parish priest at Port-Royal, to conduct a census of the colony’s inhabitants—the first Acadian census on record.  The good priest counted a total of 68 families and about 260 inhabitants at Port-Royal with "some 419 acres of land cleared and farmed and around five hundred cattle in pasture, along with more than five hundred sheep, three dozen goats, and at least thirty pigs."   Historian Naomi Griffith observes that, during the previous two decades, the community of Port-Royal "had become multi-generational and contained people of all ages"--from 96 years to 2 days old.  The census counted 15 sets of grandparents, including several who "had children of their own who were younger than one or more of their grandchildren."  Griffiths makes other telling observations, gleaned from Father Molin's census, about the families at Port-Royal:  "if Port Royal could boast three generations among its settlers in 1671, it was very much a youthful community, with 114 children aged ten or under, of whom 19 were less than a year old.  When those aged between ten and fifteen are included, the total reaches 162.  While the evidence does not allow the conclusions about fertility rates per se, it does permit a comment on the standard of living.  Conception does not take place if a woman is exhausted or underfed.  There were eighteen households in which the wife was twenty-five years or younger; more than half of the women had borne their first child before they were eighteen, four of them at age age of sixteen, five at seventeen.  Further, not only did these women begin their families at a young age, they also had a number of children.  Among them, nineteen women accounted for thirty-one youngsters.  Four had borne a child roughly every two years.  ...  The seventeen women living in the colony who were forty-six years and over had borne ninety-three children between them.  Their family size ranged from the childless state" of one couple to "three families of eleven children....  Genetic endowment and lack of disease obviously affected both birth and survival rates, but a good food supply was a necessary factor for the bearing and rearing of so many young.  It is clear that Acadia had had no major food shortages for over two decades nor any major epidemic of measles or chickenpox or smallpox.  These were the childhood illnesses which, with others, such a typhoid, whooping cough, and the plague, kept the death rate among children so high in seventeenth-century France  There, at the same period, 'out of every hundred children born, twenty-five died before they were one year old, another twenty[-]five never reached twenty and a further twenty-five perished between the ages of twenty and forty-five.'"43b 

Noting the contrasts in land and animal holdings among the Port-Royal settlers, as well as the nature of their dwellings, Professor Griffiths observes:  "There was obviously a considerable difference in the circumstances of those with lands and herds and those with little or no land and few animals.  But a number of factors mitigated against the immediate development of strong social and economic divisions with the community.  Cooperative work was crucial if the migrants were to survive the first years in their new circumstances.  Whether shared or single-family dwellings, the housing in Port Royal would have been built cooperatively.  Even the simplest of shelters, whatever the material used, whether logs, planks, or stone, demanded a great deal of physical labour for its construction.  We know more about the building of the forts and trading posts in the colony at this time than we yet do about the construction of the average house.  Ongoing [2005] archaeological work in the Annapolis [Port-Royal] valley, however, indicates that the average dwelling of the early settler was sturdily constructed with a good cellar and chimney structure.  The materials used included stone and sawn planks more often than logs.  Chinks in the walls were filled in with tamped clay and grasses."  Professor Griffiths continues:  "However simple such dwellings might seem, a man and his wife needed their neighbours to help.  Further, the need to build the dykes and establish the physical environment of barns and wharfs, not to mention the church and the fort, made all members of the community interdependent.  Demography, too, reinforced connections between people.  The smallness of the population, limited immigration, and the social demands of lives live in relatively immobile circumstances meant that the pool of available marriage partners for young adults between 1654 and 1671 was more or less restricted to their neighbours.   In sum, the early years of settlement demanded a general civility in the community, if a reasonable standard of living for any and all was to be achieved," what one specialists had called "mutuality."  Professor Griffiths adds:  "... those who settled Port Royal, having left differing circumstances of life in the various regions of France, were now constrained to accept one another and set about the establishing of a community.  When examining social stratification among the Acadian community in 1671, one must remember that most of the community had only just migrated to the colony and family relationships through marriages of the second generation were of major importance.  Social stratification would sharpen over the next decades, with the growth of the colony, but any analysis of wealth at this point must pay considerable attention to the family relationships and whether or not there was a marketable skill in the family."43c

Professor Griffiths concludes:  "... Port Royal in 1671 was an agriculturally based community, with a standard of living that supported family growth.  Its livestock holdings compared favourably with those of similar communities elsewhere, both along the St. Lawrence and in Massachusetts.  But it was also more than this.  It was a developing community, embedded in the larger society of transatlantic European migration.  The settlement was also linked to the activities of other settlers and traders within the colony, and, above all, it had established trading patterns with Boston merchants.  The perception that Port Royal was somehow a sleepy gathering places of peasants, relocated from one static cultural tradition to another, cannot be substantiated.  At a most elemental level, the small community had to have regular contact with larger centres.  It was not, at this point in time, capable of sustaining itself without trade, whether with other settlements in North America or with Europe.  The settlers imported goods both for trade with the Mi'kmaq and as necessities in their own lives; textiles and tools, guns, shot and powder.  They also bought a variety of articles that, if not strictly necessary, were of great importance:  shoes and stockings, tobacco, and foodstuff, such as sugar, wine and spirits, oil and vinegar.  Between 1654 and 1671, the majority of of such goods came from Boston.  French officials were appalled to discover that this trade was not significantly altered by the arrival of Grandfontaine."  Moreover, "Port Royal had become the most significant Europeans settlement in an area of interest to fishermen, fur traders, and would-be migrants from both England and France.  This meant the presence in the region of a highly mobile population of speculators and a steady trickle of official military and political personnel from across the Atlantic.  The local governance and politics of Port Royal were, however intermittently and haphazardly, part and parcel of a more general structure.  Thus Guillaume Trahan, recognized as a syndic in 1654, was reported in 1671 as a marechal, someone who represented, at the very least, a delegated authority for law and order.  Fishing vessels brought news and ideas to the area, as well as the occasional migrant.  Those few priests who visited the colony, even during the years of English control, were another source of information.  Nor were the inhabitants themselves people inclined to accept, without question, official directives.  Migrants are often people who had already displayed a great deal of initiative in the organization of their lives, having usually left the countryside for the town as a first step towards migrating across the Atlantic.  Even those migrants who came directly from the countryside were people who sought a better life than the one they had known, one that would improve both their economic standard of living and their position within the social structure.  The general temper of the early settlers was one of independence, something that officials, sent from France to North America, would frequently deplore in the coming decades."43d

Father Molin also counted much smaller populations at Cap-Nèigre (a man, a woman, and three children), Pobomcoup (three men, three women, and eight children), and Rivière-aux-Rochelois, also called Port-Rochelois, now Port Razoir, near Cap-Sable; at Pentagouët in Maine (one family and 25 soldiers); at Musquodoboit on the Atlantic shore (13 residents); and at St.-Pierre on Cape Breton Island (three families with five children); but he failed to count the settlers on Nicolas Denys's concessions at Île Miscou and Nepisiguit. 

In spite of its shortcomings, however, here was a list of the First Families of Acadia.  On it were Frenchmen who had lived in the colony for over three decades.43 

The First Families of Acadia

Few of the men who fathered these first European families were fur traders or fishermen, as in the early days.  Some were artisans, laborers, soldiers, sailors, clerks, and even high officials.  Most, however, were farmers, labourers, as the French called them, sturdy members of the peasant class who put down deep roots in the rich soil of Acadia--soil that they themselves literally were creating with their clever aboiteaux.44

In the first census could be found the names of two families whose progenitors had come to the colony with Razilly in the early 1630s: 

Germain Doucet, sieur de La Verdure, had come to Acadia in his middle age and may have been alive in 1671 (he would have been in his late 70s), but he evidently was not in Acadia.  After the English seized the colony in 1654, the "captain at arms" seems to have returned to France.  Counted in the 1671 census, however, were Germain's two grown sons, Pierre and Germain, fils, who had remained in the colony.  Pierre became a bricklayer and, when he was nearly 40, married Henriette, daughter of Simon Pelletret and stepdaughter of René Landry l'aîné, in c1660, when she was in her early 20s.  Pierre was 50 years old at the time of the census, and Henriette was 31.  With them were five children, three sons and two daughters.  They lived on 4 arpents of land along the basin and owned 7 cattle and 6 sheep.  Henriette would give Pierre 10 children, including five sons who created families of their own.  Pierre's younger brother Germain, fils married Marie, daughter of René Landry l'aîné, in c1664.  Germain, fils was 30 years old at the time of the census, and Marie was 24.  They had three children, all sons, and lived on 3 arpents of land with 11 cattle and 7 sheep.  Marie gave Germain, fils nine children, including five sons who created families of their own.  Also in the census was Germain, père's older daughter Marguerite, called Marie-Judith by the census taker, age 46, married to gunsmith Abraham Dugas, age 55.  Germain, père's second daughter, her name lost to history, had married colonist Pierre Lejeune dit Briard in c1650, but they do not appear in the first census; they may have left Acadia by then, or both may have died before the first census was taken.43a

Pierre Comeau the barrel maker was still alive in 1671 and still working as a cooper at age 75.  He had married 18-year-old Rose Bayon in c1649, when he was 51.  Rose may have come to the colony as a child aboard the St.-Jehan in 1636.  Father Molin did not give her age, but she would have been about 40 years old in 1671.  Living with them on 6 arpents of land along the basin were seven unmarried children, five sons and two daughters.  They owned 16 cattle and 22 sheep.  Rose gave Pierre nine children, including five sons who created families of their own.  Also counted in the first census was their oldest son Étienne, age 21, who had married Marie-Anne, daughter of Martin Lefebvre of La Rochelle, the year before the census; she also was 21.  They were living with one child, an infant daughter, on "no cultivated land," but they did own 7 cattle and 7 sheep.  Marie gave Étienne only two more children, one of them a son who created a family of his own.47

.

A few of the passengers who had come to Acadia aboard the St.-Jehan in 1636 were still living at Port-Royal when the first census was taken: 

Pierre Martin of St.-Germain de Bourgeuil was 70 years old and his wife Catherine Vigneau was 68 when they appeared in the first census.  They lived on 2 arpents of land along the basin and owned 7 cattle and 8 sheep.  Father Molin noted also that four of their children, a son and three daughters, were married--Marie, age 35, to Pierre Morin, age 37; Andrée, age 30, to François Pellerin, age 35; and Marguerite, age 27, to Jean Bourg, age 26.  Older son Pierre, fils, age 45, and his first wife, a Mi'kmaq named Anne Ouestnorouest dit Petitous, age 27, whom he had married in c1660, were living with four sons on 8 arpents of land and owned 11 cattle and 6 sheep.  Pierre, père's younger son Mathieu, age 35, a weaver, was still single and living on an unspecified amount of land with 4 cattle and 3 sheep..48

Edge-tool maker Guillaume Trahan of Montreuil-Bellay also was 70 years old in 1671; his first wife, François Corbineau, was dead.  One of their two daughters was counted in the census--Jeanne, age 40, married to Jacques dit Jacob Bourgeois, age 50.  Guillaume and Françoise's younger daughter, whose name has been lost to history, had married widower German Doucet, sieur de La Verdure in c1654, the year he probably returned to France; she probably went with him.  When an English force under Robert Sedgwick captured Port-Royal in August 1654, Guillaume, as syndic, headed a committee of inhabitants who Sedgwick left in charge of the settlement.  Guillaume also remarried in the colony, to Madeleine, daughter of Vincent Brun, in c1665; Guillaume was 65 years old and his bride only 19 at the time of the wedding; she was age 25 in 1671.  Living with them on 5 arpents of land along the basin were three young sons, ages 4, 3, and 1.  Guillaume and Madeleine owned 8 cattle and 10 sheep.  She gave him seven children, including the three sons, all of whom created families of their own.49

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Still alive in 1671 were some of the early arrivals who some historians insist were from the village of Martaizé in northern Poitou, where d'Aulnay and his mother had controlled "vast seigneuries" and where some of the passengers aboard the St.-Jehan may have been recruited: 

Jean Gaudet's son Denis, who had come to the colony with his parents and two sisters in the late 1630s, was 46 years old in 1671.  He had married Martine Gauthier, six years his senior, in c1645; she was 52 years old at the time of the census.  Living with them were three unmarried children, two sons and a daughter, on 6 arpents of cultivated land along the basin.  They owned 9 cattle and 13 sheep, with "more lambs than mature sheep," Father Molin noted.  Martine gave Denis five children, including two sons who created families of their own.  Also in the census were two of Denis and Martine's married daughters:  Anne, age 27, counted with husband Pierre Vincent, age 40; and Marie, age 20, with husband Olivier Daigre, age 28.  In the census also were Denis's older sister Françoise, age 48, counted with her second husband, Daniel LeBlanc, age 45; and Denis's younger sister Marie, age 38, widow of Étienne Hébert.  Amazingly, Jean, père was still alive in 1671.  His first wife had died, and he had remarried to Nicole Colleson, probably a young widow, in c1652; she was 64 years old in 1671.  Father Molin noted that Jean was "the oldest inhabitant of Port-Royal ..., the venerable doyen of the colony ... then aged ninety-six years."  He and Nicole lived "on 3 arpents of land at two locations," with 6 cattle and 3 sheep.  Living with them was an unmarried son, Jean, fils, age 18.  The "venerable doyen," Jean, père died at Port-Royal a few years after the 1671 census, age 103.50 

Antoine Bourg, a bachelor when he came to Acadia in the late 1630s, remained in the colony and, in his early 30s, married Antoinette, sister of fellow colonist René Landry l'aîné, in c1642.  He was 62 years old in 1671, and she was 53.  Living with them were seven unmarried children, two sons and five daughters, on 4 arpents of land along the basin.  They owned 12 cattle and 8 sheep.  Antoinette gave Antoine 11 children, including fives sons who created families of their own.  Also in the census were Antoine and Antoinette's three married sons and a married daughter:  François, age 28, was married to Marguerite, daughter of Michel Boudrot; she was 23 in 1671.  Living with them on 5 1/2 arpents of land were two young children, a son and a daughter.  They owned 15 cattle and 5 sheep.  Marguerite gave François seven children, including two sons who created families of their own.  Marie, age 26, was married to Vincent Breau, age 40.  Jean, age 24 or 25, was married to Marguerite, daughter of Pierre Martin; she was 27.  Living with them on 15 arpents of land were two young daughters.  They owned 3 cattle and 5 sheep.  Marguerite gave Jean nine children, including two sons who created their own families.  Bernard, age 23, was married to Françoise, daughter of Vincent Brun; she was 19.  They lived with a daughter, age unrecorded (she was still an infant), on "no cultivated land," and owned 6 cattle and 9 sheep.  Françoise gave Bernard 13 children, two of them sons who created families of his own.51

François Gautrot, married when he came to the colony in the late 1630s, had lost his first wife, Marie, soon afterward, but not before she gave him a son:  Charles, who preferred to call himself a Gottreau, was 34 years old in 1671.  He does not appear with his father in the first Acadian census, though his name and age are recorded as belonging to the family, because he no longer lived in the colony.  In October 1665, Charles had married Françoise, daughter of Martin Cousin, at Québec and did not return to Acadia.  Françoise gave Charles six children, including three sons, none of whom married.  Meanwhile, François remarried to Edmée, one of the Lejeune sisters, in c1644.  He was 58 years old in 1671, and she was 47.  Living with them were six children, five sons and a daughter; two of the sons--Jean and François, fils--grown but still unmarried.  Edmée gave François, père nine more children, including three sons who created families of their own, but their oldest son Jean was not to be one of them.  Also in the census were four of François, père's married daughters:  Marie, François's oldest child, age 34, was counted with her second husband, Michel Depeux dit Dupuis, age 37.  Another Marie, age 24, François's oldest child by his second wife, was counted with her husband Claude Thériot, age 34.  Renée, age 19, was counted with her husband, Jean Labat dit Le Marquis, age 33, whom she had just married.  Marguerite, age 17, was counted with husband Jacques dit Jacob Girouard, age 23; they, too, were newly wed.52  

Jean Thériot, who had come to Port-Royal with wife Pérrine Rau in c1637, was age 70 and his wife age 60 in 1671.  Living with them on 5 arpents of land along the basin was their youngest child, fifth son Pierre, age 17.  According to Father Molin, Jean and Pérrine owned 6 cattle and 1 sheep.  Pérrine gave Jean seven children, including five sons, four of whom created families of their own.  Also in the census were five of Jean and Pérrine's married children, three sons and two daughters.  Oldest son Claude, age 34, was counted with wife Marie, age 24, daughter of François Gautrot.  Living with them on 6 arpents of cultivated land were four children, two sons and two daughters.  They owned 13 cattle and 3 sheep.  Marie gave Claude 14 children, including three sons who created families of their own.  Jean's third son Bonaventure dit Venture, age 27, was counted with wife Jeanne, age 26, a daughter of Michel Boudrot.  Living with them on 2 arpents of land was a young daughter.  They owned 6 cattle and 6 sheep.  Jeanne gave Venture four children, none of them sons, but three of their daughters married.  Jean's older daughter Jeanne, age 27, was counted with husband Pierre Thibodeau, age 40.  Jean's fourth son Germain, age 25, was counted with wife Andrée, age 25, a daughter of Vincent Brun.  Living with them on 2 arpents of land was a young son.  They owned 5 cattle and 2 sheep.  Andrée gave Germain only three children, two of them sons who created their own families.  Jean's younger daughter Catherine, age 20, was counted with husband Pierre Guilbeau, age 32.  Jean's second son, Jean, fils, who would have been age 32 in 1671, does not appear in the census; he may have taken his wife, who he had recently married, to another colony, perhaps to Canada; her name, as well as the names of their children, if they had any, have been lost to history.53 

Daniel LeBlanc came to the colony in c1645 and married Françoise, daughter of Jean Gaudet, in c1650.  Daniel was age 45 and Françoise 48 in 1671.  They lived on 10 arpents of land along the north bank of the basin "to the northeast of the marsh at Bélisle, about nine miles above the fort at Port-Royal, and a half mile below the chapel of Saint-Laurent," near Prée-Ronde, with six unmarried sons and owned 18 cattle and 26 sheep.  Also in the census was their second child and only daughter, Françoise, age 18, whom Father Molin counted with her recently-wedded husband, Martin, age 24, son of Jean Blanchard.  Of the seven children wife Françoise gave Daniel, five of them were sons who took wives of their own and helped create what would become the largest family in all of Acadia.55 

François Savoie (Father Molin called him a Scavois) came to Acadia in the 1640s and married Catherine, the other Lejeune sister, in c1651.  He was age 50 and she was 38 in 1671.  Living with them on 6 arpents of land were eight unmarried children, three sons and five daughters, the youngest a daughter who was only a year and a half old.  They owned 4 head of cattle and no sheep.  Also in the census was a married daughter, Françoise, age 18, who was counted with her husband, Jean Corporan, age 25.  Despite François and Catherine's many children, only their oldest son, Germain, age 16 in 1671, carried on the family line.  Germain married Marie, daughter of Vincent Breau, in c1678; she gave Germain a dozen children, including five sons who created families of their own.54

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According to some historians, early settlers counted in the first census may have come to the colony from La Chaussée, another town in the Loire valley, near Blois, upriver from St.-Germain de Bourgeuil and Martaizé: 

Vincent Brun, like most of the bachelors who had come to the colony during the Razilly years, returned to France.  In the 1640s, he married twice at La Chaussée to Breau sisters and returned to Acadia later in the decade with his second wife, Renée, and two daughters.  Vincent was age 60 and Renée age 55 in 1671.  They were living on 5 arpents of land with two unmarried children, a son and a daughter.  They owned 10 cattle and 4 sheep.  Also in the census were three married daughters:  Madeleine, age 25, was the second wife of Guillaume Trahan, age 70.  Adrée, age 24, was counted with husband Germain Thériot, age 25.  And Françoise, age 19, was counted with husband Bernard Bourg, age 23.  Son Sébastien, called Bastien, who was 15 in 1671, married Huguette, a daughter of Antoine Bourg, in c1675 and fathered seven children of his own, including four sons who created their own families.56

François Girouard dit La Varanne had come to the colony in c1640 with wife Jeanne Aucoin, who was from La Rochelle.  He was 50 years old and she was 40 in 1671.  They were living on 8 arpents of land with two unmarried children, a son and a daughter.  They owned 16 cattle and 6 sheep.  Also in the census were three married children:  Older son Jacques dit Jacob, age 23, was counted with wife Marguerite, daughter of François Gautrot; she was only 17.  They owned no land, but they had an infant son, 7 cattle, and 3 sheep.  Marguerite gave Jacques dit Jacob 14 children, including nine sons who created families of their own.  François older daughter Marguerite, age 20, was counted with her husband, Jacques Blou or Belou, age 30; he was a cooper.  They, too, owned no land but had an infant daughter, 7 cattle, and a sheep.  Younger daughter Marie-Madeleine, called Madeleine, age 17, was counted with her husband, Thomas Cormier, a carpenter, age 35.57

René Landry, later called l'aîné, came to the colony in c1640 and married Pérrine, sister of Antoine Bourg and widow of Simon Pelletret, in c1645.  René l'aîné was age 52, and Pérrine was 45 in 1671.  They were living on 12 arpents of land along the basin with three unmarried children, a daughter and two sons.  They owned 10 cattle and 6 sheep.  Two of their married daughters were counted in the census:  Marie, age 24, with her husband Germain Doucet, fils, age 30; and a second Marie, age 23 or 24, with her husband Laurent Granger, a seaman, age 34.  Also in the census were René' l'aîné's married stepdaughters:  Henriette Pelletret, age 30 or 31, was counted with her husband Pierre Doucet, age 50, half-sister Marie's brother-in-law; and Jeanne Pelletret, age 27, was counted with her first husband Barnabé Martin, age 35.58

Clément Bertrand, a carpenter, came to Acadia in c1642.  He married Huguette Lambelot in c1645.  He was 50 years old and she was 48 in 1671.  They were living on 6 arpents of land along the basin and owned 10 cattle and 6 sheep.  They had no children.59 

Antoine Belliveau or Béliveau came to Acadia in c1645 and married Andrée Guyon, widow of ____ Bernard, in c1651.  He was age 50, and she was 56 in 1671.  They were living on "no land" with two unmarried children, a son and a daughter, and owned 11 cattle and 8 sheep.  In two years, son Jean married Jeanne, a daughter of Antoine Bourg, and then remarried to Cécile, a daughter of Charles Melanson, in c1703.  His two wives gave him seven children, including four sons who created families of their own.60

Vincent Brot or Breau dit Vincelotte, whose sisters had married Vincent Brun back at La Chaussée in the 1640s, came to Port-Royal in c1652 and married Marie, daughter of Antoine Bourg, in c1661.  Vincelotte was 40 years old and Marie was 26 in 1671.  They lived on 4 arpents of land along the basin with four young children, two sons and a daughter.  They owned 9 cattle and 7 sheep.  Marie gave Vincent a dozen children, including five sons who created their own families.61

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Settlers from other parts of France who were counted in the first census had come to Acadia in the 1640s, during the years of struggle between La Tour and d'Aulnay: 

Abraham Dugast or Dugas of Chouppes, Poitiers, a gunsmith, came to the colony in c1640 and married Marguerite, daughter of Germain Doucet, sieur de La Verdure, in c1647.  In 1671, Abraham was 55 years old and Marguerite, called Marie-Judith by census taker, was 46.  They lived on 16 arpents of land with six unmarried children, three sons and three daughters.  They owned 19 cattle and 3 sheep.  Also counted in the census were two married daughters:  Marie, age 23, with husband Charles Melanson dit La Ramée, age 28; and Anne, age 17, with first husband Charles Bourgeois, age 25.  All three of Abraham's sons married and created families of their own.  In his later years, according to Antoine Laumet dit Le Mothe de Cadillac, Abraham, père "'carried out the functions of general representative of the King (in civil and criminal matters).'"62

Two Hébert brothers, perhaps from La-Haye-Descartes, Touraine, and probably not kin to Louis Hébert of Paris, came to Port-Royal in c1640.  Antoine, the older brother, was a cooper and had married Geneviève Lefranc in c1648.  He was age 50 and Geneviève was 58 in 1671.  They lived on 6 arpents "of cultivated land at two locations" with three unmarried children, two sons, both grown, and a teenage daughter.  They owned 18 cattle and 7 sheep.  Two of their children, a daughter and a son, created families of their own.  Son Jean, the second with the name, married Marie-Anne, a daughter of Pierre Doucet, in c1676; she gave him 14 children, including seven sons who created families of their own.63a

Younger brother Étienne Hébert had married Marie, daughter of Jean Gaudet, in c1650, but died a year or so before the first census was taken; his age at the time of his death was not recorded.  Marie was 38 years old in 1671 and lived on 3 arpents of cultivated land with eight unmarried children, five sons and three daughters, the youngest a son who was only a year old.  The widow Hébert owned 4 cattle and 5 sheep.  Also counted in the census was her oldest daughter, Marie, age 20, with her husband Michel (originally Gereyt) de Forest, age 33, a Dutchman who had converted to Catholicism to marry his Acadian sweetheart.  Younger daughter Marguerite, age 19, had recently married Frenchman Jean-Jacques, called Jacques, Le Prince, who would have been in his mid-20s in 1671, but they were not counted in the census; Jacques probably had taken her to another part of the colony where Father Molin did not venture, or perhaps they had gone to Canada; no matter, they returned to Acadia by the 1680s and settled near her younger siblings in the Minas Basin.  Étienne and Marie's eight younger children included five sons, all of whom created families of their own.63 

Jacques dit Jacob or Jacobus Bourgeois, born in c1619 perhaps at La Ferté-Gaucher, east of Paris, was recruited by Claude de Launay-Rasilly, brother of Isaac de Razilly, and came to Acadia aboard the St.-François in 1641.  Jacques, a surgeon, married Jeanne, daughter of Guillaume Trahan, in c1643.  In February 1653, along with Germain Doucet, Jacques witnessed the signing of the marriage contract between Governor Charles La Tour and Jeanne Motin, widow of former governor Charles d'Aulnay.  The following year, Jacques was serving as the lieutenant of Sieur Germain Doucet, commander at Port-Royal, when the English captured the place; the surrender document dictated by the English, dated August 16, says that Jacques was Sieur Germain's brother-in-law.  The English seemed to have forced Germain to leave the colony, but Jacques remained as a hostage at Port-Royal to insure that the members of the garrison obeyed the terms of surrender.  In 1671, Jacques was 50 years old and Jeanne was 40.  They lived with nine unmarried children, two sons and six daughters, on "more or less 20 arpents of cultivated land at two different locations" along the basin.  They owned 33 cattle and 24 sheep, and were among the wealthiest couples in the colony.  Oldest son Charles, age 25, was counted with wife Anne, age 17, a daughter of Abraham Dugas.  They lived with a young daughter on 2 arpents of land and owned 12 cattle and 7 sheep.  Anne gave Charles four children, including two sons who created their own families.  Also in the census was Jacques and Jeanne's married daughter Marie, age 18, who was counted with her first husband Pierre Sire or Cyr, a gunsmith, age 27.  Jacques dit Jacob and Jeanne's two younger sons, Germain and Guillaume, ages 21 and 16 in 1671, also created families of their own.64

Jean Poirier, a fisherman, came to the colony aboard the St.-François in 1641 to work in the fisheries established by Nicolas Denys.  With Jean was wife Jeanne Chebrat of La Chaussée.  Jean died in c1654, 17 years before the first census was taken, but not before fathering a daughter and a son, both of whom appeared in the first census.  Jean's daughter Marie-Françoise had married Roger dit Jean Kuessy, Quessy, or Caissie, an Irishman, in c1668.  In 1671, Marie-Françoise was 22 years old, and Roger was 25.  Jean's son Michel was a 20-year-old bachelor in 1671.  He lived alone on "no cultivated land" but owned 2 head of cattle.  Michel married Marie, a daughter of Michel Boudrot, in c1673.  She gave him 11 children, including seven sons who created families of their own.  Meanwhile, Michel's mother Jeanne Chebrat remarried to colonist Antoine Gougeon soon after his father Jean had died.  She gave Antoine a daughter, who would marry a son of Jean Blanchard in c1673.65

Michel Boudrot of Cougnes, near La Rochelle, came to Port-Royal in the early 1640s with wife Michelle Aucoin, sister of François Girouard's wife Jeanne Aucoin.  Michel, who served as one of the first syndics at Port-Royal, was 71 years old in 1671, and Michelle was 53.  They lived on 8 arpents of land with eight unmarried children, six sons and two daughters.  They owned 20 cattle and 12 sheep.  Also in the census were three married daughters:  Françoise, age 29, was living with her husband Étienne Robichaud, age 31, but they had refused to give Father Molin any information about themselves.  Jeanne, age 26, was counted with husband Bonaventure dit Venture Thériot, age 27.  Marguerite, age 23, was counted with husband François Bourg, age 28.  Michel's oldest son Charles, age 22 and still a bachelor in 1671, married his first wife, Renée, a daughter of Antoine Bourg, a year after the census was taken.  She gave him eight children, including three sons who created families of their own; Charles remarried to Marie, a daughter of Jean Corporon, in c1686, and she would give him a dozen more children, including five more sons who created their own families.  All of Michel's six younger sons created families of their own.  Michel, meanwhile, served as lieutenant général civil et criminal, or colonial judge, at Port-Royal until August 1688, when he was replaced by Mathieu de Goutin.  Astonishingly, Michel was in his late 80s when he gave up the post.66 

Jean Blanchard came to the colony by c1642, when he married Radegonde Lambert at Port-Royal.  He was 60 years old, and she was 42 in 1671.  They lived on 5 arpents of cultivated land with three unmarried children, two sons--Guillaume, age 21, and Bernard, age 18--and daughter Marie, age 15, their youngest child.  Jean and Radegonde owned 12 cattle and 9 sheep.  Also in the census were three of their married children:  Oldest child Madeleine, age 28, was counted with husband Michel Richard dit Sansoucy, age 41.  Anne, age 26, widow of François Guérin, was counted with five young children; she remarried to Pierre l'aîné, son of Denis Gaudet, the following year.  Jean and Radegonde's oldest son Martin, age 24, was counted with his new bride Françoise, age 18, daughter of Daniel LeBlanc.  Martin and Françoise lived on 15 arpents of land with no children, but they owned 5 cattle and 2 sheep.67

René Rimbault or Raimbeau came to the colony in the early 1640s and married Anne-Marie, surname unknown, the widow of a settler named Pinet; according to Bona Arsenault, Anne-Marie may gave been a métisse.  René was age 55 in 1671, and Anne-Marie was 40.  They were living on 12 arpents of land with five children, including Anne-Marie's son Philippe Pinet, born at Port-Royal in c1654, who was being raised by his stepfather and using the Rimbault surname in 1671, but he went by his biological father's surname, Pinet, probably after he married.  René and Anne-Marie owned 12 cattle and 9 sheep.  Anne-Marie gave René seven children, including a son who married but fathered had no children of his own.68

Philippe Pinet, René Rimbault's stepson, perhaps a quarter Mi'kmaq, married Catherine, daughter of Étienne Hébert, in the late 1670s.  She gave him a dozen children, including six sons who created their own families.69 

Robert Cormier, a master ship's carpenter from La Rochelle, signed in that city an indenture for three years service, at 120 livres per annum, with Louis Tuffet, commander of Fort St.-Pierre on Cape Breton Island, on 8 January 1644.  That spring, he, his wife Marie Péraud, and their two young sons, Thomas and Jean, sailed to the fort aboard Le Petit St.-Pierre.  After Robert fulfilled his contract, he evidently took his family to Port-Royal, where he may have found work under the Sieur d'Aulnay, but he did not remain there.  He likely returned to La Rochelle with his wife and son Jean during the 1650s, perhaps to escape the turmoil then stirring up the colony.  Robert's older son Thomas, however, who was a teenager in the early 1650s, remained in the colony, probably at Port-Royal, where he, too, worked as a carpenter.  In his early 30s, he married Marie-Madeleine, called Madeleine, teenaged daughter of François Girouard, at Port-Royal in c1668.  Three years later, Thomas was 35 years old and was described by Father Molin as a carpenter; Madeleine was only 17.  The good priest counted only one child, a daughter, in their household.  Thomas and Madeleine owned 6 arpents of land along the basin with 7 cattle and 7 sheep.  Madeleine probably was pregnant with their oldest son, François, when Father Molin came around.  Madeleine gave Thomas 10 children, including four sons who married granddaughters of Daniel LeBlanc and created families of their own at Chignecto.70

Claude Petitpas, sieur de La Fleur, a clerk who became a notary, came to Acadia in c1645 and married Catherine, daughter of Bernard Bugaret, at Port-Royal in c1658.  In 1671, Claude was 45 years old, and Catherine was 33.  Living with them on 30 arpents of land were seven young children, four sons and three daughters.  They owned 26 cattle and 12 sheep.  In the summer of 1680, Claude was serving as royal notary at Jemseg on Rivière St.-Jean.  Catherine gave Claude 13 children, including three sons who created families of their own.17

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A young French army captain who had come to the colony in the early 1650s as an associate of Governor Charles La Tour obtained a seigneurie of his own.  Two soldiers who had come to the colony during the early 1650s with Emmanuel Le Borgne remained in Acadia, married, and became prominent settlers:     

Philippe Mius, sieur d'Entremont (Father Molin spelled it Landremont), the seigneur and baron of Pobomcoup, now Pubnico, at Cap-Sable, was a former La Tour associate who received appointment as the King's attorney for Acadia from the new royal governor the year before Father Molin's census.  Philippe was age 62 in 1671.  Father Molin did not give the age of Philippe's wife, Madeleine Hélie Du Tillet, whom Philippe had married in France in c1649, on the eve of their coming to Acadia, but she would have been 45 years old in 1671.  Father Molin did say that Philippe and Madeleine lived with four children, two sons and two daughters, ages 17 to 2, and that they owned 26 cattle, 29 sheep, 12 goats, and 20 hogs on their barony at Pobomcoup.  One historian suggests that there may have been chickens as well.  Their oldest child, daughter Marguerite, age 21, was counted at Port-Royal with her husband Pierre Melanson dit La Verdure, fils, age 39.  Madeleine gave Philippe five children, including three sons who created families of their own.44a

Michel Richard dit Sansoucy of Saintonge, whose dit was "a regimental nickname which confirms in some degree his occupation as a soldier," married Madeleine, a daughter of Jean Blanchard, in 1656.  "He obtained" from the seigneur of Port-Royal, Alexandre Le Borgne de Bélisle, "two grants at some ten to fifteen miles from the fort..."  In 1671, Michel was age 41 and Marguerite 28.  They were living on 14 arpents of land with seven children, including a set of twins who were only a few weeks old.  They owned 15 cattle and 14 sheep.  Madeleine gave Sansoucy 10 children, including four sons who created families of their own.  In c1683, Michel remarried to Jeanne, a daughter of Antoine Babin, and she gave him two more sons, who also created their own families.73

Pierre Thibodeau, born in Poitou in c1631, married Jeanne, a daughter of Jean Thériot, in c1660.  He was a miller by trade, so he built a mill at Prée-Ronde above Port-Royal and soon became prosperous.  In 1671, Pierre was age 40 and Jeanne age 27.  They were living on 7 arpents of land with six young children, a son and five daughters; the son was only a year old.  They owned 12 cattle and 11 sheep.  Jeanne gave Pierre 16 children, including seven sons who created families of their own.  In c1700, Pierre pioneered the Acadian settlement at Chepoudy, on the upper Bay of Fundy.72 

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Many of the Acadians who were counted in 1671 had come to the colony during the English occupation of 1654-70, when immigration to Acadia from France and Canada was supposed to have been curtailed.  At least two of them were Englishmen, one was a Dutchman in English service, one an Irishman, and another from Flanders.  But most of them came from France, one of them perhaps from La Chaussée; another was a Huguenot: 

Antoine Gougeon, also spelled Gueguen and Guoguen, married Jeanne, daughter of Antoine Chabrat of La Chaussée and widow of Jean Poirier, probably at Port-Royal in c1654.  In 1671, Antoine was age 45, and Jeanne was 45 also.  They were living on 10 arpents of land with their only child, daughter Huguette, age 14.  They owned 20 cattle and 17 sheep.  Antoine and Jeanne had no more children, so only the blood of this family survived in the colony.  Daughter Huguette married Guillaume, younger son of Jean Blanchard, in c1673, when she was only 16 years old.  She gave him a dozen children.  During the late 1690s, Guillaume Blanchard helped pioneer the Acadian settlement at Petitcoudiac.  Their sons settled there, too, at Village-des-Blanchards, on the lower stretch of the river.74

Pierre Melanson dit La Verdure, a French Huguenot in English service, came to the colony in the spring of 1657 with English Governor Thomas Temple.  With Melanson was his English wife Priscilla, whose family name is unknown, and three sons, born in England.  Evidently Pierre dit La Verdure served for a time as tutor of former governor d'Aulnay's children.  When the English abandoned the colony in 1670, Pierre dit La Verdure, his wife, and their youngest son John retreated to Boston, where Pierre, père died during the winter of 1676-77.  Priscilla remarried to New English Captain William Wright in April 1680.  Pierre, père and Priscilla's two older sons did not accompany them to Boston but remained at Port-Royal, where they had converted to Catholicism and taken Acadian wives.  In his early 30s, older son Pierre dit La Verdure, fils married Marie-Marguerite, called Marguerite, daughter of Philippe Mius d'Entremont, seigneur of Pobomcoup, at Port-Royal in c1665.  In 1671, Pierre was age about 39 and was listed as a tailor, and Marguerite was 21.  However, Father Molin noted, Pierre and his wife refused to answer any questions about their farm or their family.  Pierre and Marguerite would have been living with their three oldest children, two sons and a daughter, but the size of their farm in 1671 remains a mystery.  Marguerite gave Pierre, fils 11 children, including four sons who created families of their own.  His two youngest daughters married French soldiers, one of them an officer, serving in Acadia.

Pierre dit La Verdure, père's younger son Charles Melanson dit La Ramée married Marie, a daughter of Abraham Dugas, at Port-Royal in c1663.  Charles was a little more cooperative with Father Molin than his older brother Pierre, fils.  Charles was 28 years old in 1671, and Marie was 23.  They lived with four small children, all daughters, but they did not give the size of their farm.  They did admit that they owned 40 cattle and 6 sheep.  Marie gave Charles 14 children, including five sons who created families of their own.44c

Laurent Granger of Plymouth, England, also in English service, came to Acadia during the late 1650s, converted to Catholicism, and married Marie, daughter of René Landry l'aîné, at Port-Royal in c1667.  In 1671, Laurent, listed as a seaman, was age 34, and Marie was 24.  They were living on 4 arpents of land with two small children, a daughter and a son, the youngest only 9 months old.  They owned 5 cattle and 6 sheep.  Marie gave Laurent nine children, including five sons who created families of their own.76

Jean Pitre, an edge tool maker, sometimes described as a gunsmith, probably from Flanders, came to the colony in the late 1650s.  In c1665, he married Marie, a daughter of Isaac Pesseley, former major of Port-Royal who had been killed during the civil war between La Tour and d'Aulnay.  In 1671, Jean was age 35, and Marie was 26.  They were living on "no land" with three young children, a son and two daughters, the youngest only 9 months old.  They owned no sheep, but they did own 1 cow.  Marie gave Jean 11 children, including four sons who created families of their own.  Jean died by c1690, when Marie remarried to François Robin at Port-Royal.  She was well into her middle age by then and gave François no children, but he did help her raise her children by Jean Pitre.77

François Guérin (Father Molin called him a Gudcin), who may have been from the Martaizé area, came to Port-Royal by c1659, when he married Anne, a daughter of Jean Blanchard.  François died just before the first census was taken, but not before fathering five children.  In 1671, Anne was 26 years old and living with those children, three daughter and two sons, the youngest one, a son, only 2 years old, on 6 arpents of cultivated land.  She owned 6 cattle and 3 sheep.  Older son Jérôme, whom Father Molin called Frivoline in the census, perpetuated the family line in spades by fathering 13 children, including five sons who created families of their own.78

Gereyt de Forest of Leyden, Holland, came to Acadia in c1659 as a soldier in English service.  He also converted to Catholicism before taking an Acadian bride, Marie, daughter of Étienne Hébert, at Port-Royal in c1666.  In Acadia, the "de" in his name did not survive, nor did his given name.  In 1671, Michel, as he was called in Acadia, was 33 years old, and Marie was 20.  They were living on 2 arpents of cultivated land with three young children, all sons.  Michel and Marie owned 12 cattle and 2 sheep.  She gave him six children, including four sons who created families of their own.  In c1686, Michel remarried to Jacqueline dite Jacquette, daughter of Martin Benoit, and she gave him another daughter who also survived childhood.79

René Landry le jeune, a cousin of René l'aîné, reached the colony by c1659, when he married Marie Bernard, a native of Port-Royal and a stepdaughter of Antoine Belliveau.  Strangely, Father Molin did not count René le jeune and Marie in the 1671 census, but they did appear in the second Port-Royal census of 1678; this counting did not give any ages or the names of their children, but it did give the size of their farm.  Other colonial records, including later censuses, provide their ages and the number of their children when the first census was taken.  René le jeune would have been about age 37 and Marie about age 26 in 1671.  They would have been living with 6 children, four sons and two daughters, the youngest a newborn.  In 1678, they owned 22 acres of land and 20 cattle, so their farm in 1671 probably was larger than most.  Marie gave René le jeune 15 children, including eight sons who created families of their own.  The result would be an even larger branch of the Landry family in Acadia.80 

Pierre Morin dit Boucher, born in Normandy in c1634, came to the colony by c1661, the year he married Marie-Madeleine, daughter of Pierre Martin, at Port-Royal.  In 1671, Pierre was age 37, and Marie age 35.  They were living on a single arpent of land with five children, three sons and two daughters, the youngest only 10 months old.  They owned 3 cattle and 4 sheep.  Marie gave Pierre a dozen children, including nine sons, six of whom created families of their own.  They settled at Chignecto but, sadly, could not remain there.81

Antoine Babin arrived by c1662, when he married Marie Mercier, a granddaughter of Jean Gaudet.  In 1671, Antoine was age 45, and Marie was 25.  They were living on 2 arpents of cultivated land with five young children, two sons and three daughters, the youngest only a year old.  Another daughter was born to them soon after the census was taken.  They owned 6 cattle and 8 sheep.  Marie gave Antoine 11 children, including three sons who created families of their own.82

Pierre Vincent came to Acadia by c1663, when he married Anne, a daughter of Denis Gaudet.  In 1671, Pierre was age 40, and Anne age 27.  They were living on 16 arpents of land with four young children, two sons and two daughters.  For some reason, their younger daughter, who would have been only 3 years of age and who survived childhood, was not counted.  They owned 18 cattle and 9 sheep.  Their youngest son, Clément, was not born until c1674.  Like all of his older siblings, he, too, survived childhood, and, like two of his older brothers, created a family of his own.  Interestingly, many of Clément's 12 children would use the dit Clément as their surname instead of Vincent.83 

Étienne Robichaud came to Port-Royal by c1663, when he married Françoise, a daughter of Michel Boudrot.  Father Molin noted in the census that Étienne "did not want to see me.  He left and told his wife that she was not to tell me the number of his livestock or land."  Nor did Françoise reveal the names and ages of their children.  In 1671, Étienne would have been 31 years old and Françoise 29.  They would have been living with three young children, two sons and a daughter, the youngest one, a son, only 2 years old.  Thanks to Étienne's stubbornness, the size of his farm and the numbers of his livestock in 1671 will forever remain a mystery.  In 1678, however, he owned 1 acre and 19 cattle, so his farm was small, but the number of his animals was respectable.  Françoise gave Étienne seven children, including four sons who created families of their own.85

Michel Dupuis, perhaps from La Chaussée, came to Port-Royal by c1664, when he married Marie, a daughter of François Gautrot and widow of ____ Potet.  In 1671, Michel, whom Father Molin called a Dupont, was age 37, and Marie was 34.  They were living on 6 arpents of cultivated land with three young children, two sons and a daughter, the youngest, a son, only 3 months old.  Also living with them was 14-year-old Marie Potet from Marie's first marriage.  Michel and Marie owned 5 cattle and 1 sheep.  Marie gave Michel five children, including three sons who created families of their own.84

François Pellerin came to Acadia from Québec by c1665, when he married Andrée, a daughter of Pierre Martin, père.  In 1671, François was age 35, and Andrée was 30.   They lived on a single arpent of land with three young children, all daughters, the youngest only 2 days old.  They owned 1 sheep.  Andrée gave him seven children, including a son who created a family of his own and moved to Canada by the early 1720s, but most of François and Andrée's daughters added their blood to five of the colony's significant families.  The leading authority on Acadian genealogy avers that François was not kin to Étienne Pellerin, who came to Acadia soon after the first census.86 

Olivier Daigre came to the colony by c1666, when he married Marie, a daughter of Denis Gaudet.  In 1671, Olivier was age 28, and Marie was 20.  They lived on 2 arpents of cultivated land with three young children, all sons.  They owned 6 cattle and 6 sheep.  Marie gave Olivier 10 children, including two sons who created families of their own.88

Barnabé Martin, probably not kin to Pierre Martin of St.-Germain de Bourgeuil, came to Acadia in c1666, when he married Jeanne, a daughter of Simon Pelletret.  In 1671, Barnabé was age 35, and Jeanne was 27.  They lived on 2 1/2 arpents of land with two young children, a daughter and a son, who was only 8 months old.  They owned 3 cattle and 2 sheep.  Jeanne gave Barnabé eight children, including two sons who helped create a second branch of the Martin family in Acadia.  Barnabé's descendants, especially those from older son René, tended to use their father's given name as a dit to distinguish themselves from the other Martins in the colony.112

Pierre Lanoue, a "young scion of a noble Huguenot family in France," after converting to Catholicism, came to Acadia in c1667 as a cooper and settled at Port-Royal.  When asked his age, Pierre told Father Molin that "he felt fine but would not give an answer."  Pierre also refused to give the size of his holdings.  In 1671, Pierre would have been only 23 years old.  He was still a bachelor, so he may have owned no property.  Pierre does not appear in  the Port-Royal censuses of 1678 and 1686, but he remained in Acadia.  He married Jeanne, a daughter of François Gautrot, at Port-Royal in c1682.  She gave him only one child, a son, Pierre, fils, but the son created a substantial family of their own.113

Jean Corporon came to the colony in the late 1660s and married Françoise, a daughter of François Savoie, only a year before the census.  In 1671, Jean, whom Father Molin called Jehan, was age 25, and Françoise was 18.  Their daughter, "6 weeks of age," the priest noted, was "not yet named."  They would call her Marie.  Jean and Françoise lived with Marie on "no cultivated land," but they owned 1 cattle and 1 sheep.  Françoise gave Jean 15 children, including three sons who created families of their own.  Little Marie survived childhood and married a son of Michel Boudrot.114

Pierre Guilbeau (Father Molin called him a Guillebault) came to Acadia by c1668, when he married Catherine, a daughter of Jean Thériot.  In 1671, Pierre was age 32, and Catherine was 20.  They lived on 15 arpents of land with a 2-year-old daughter and owned 6 cattle and 5 sheep.  Catherine gave Pierre seven children, including a son, Charles, who married Anne, a daughter of Bernard Bourg, at Port-Royal in c1701; she gave him nine children, including four sons who created families of their own.115

Roger dit Jean Caissie, an Irishman, came to the colony probably during the late 1660s as a soldier in English service.  After his enlistment ended, he married Marie-Françoise, a daughter of Jean Poirier, at Port-Royal in c1668.  Roger, whom Father Molin called a Kuessy and whose surname also was spelled Quessy, was 25 years old in 1671, and Marie was 22.  They lived on "no cultivated land" with a 2-year-old daughter, but they did own 3 cattle and 2 sheep.  Marie-Françoise gave Roger seven children, including four sons who created their own families.  An historian of the Acadian experience says that Roger may have introduced fruit trees to the Beaubassin settlement, where he and Marie-Françoise moved probably in the late 1670s.  Some of Roger's descendants would use his given name as a dit, which would evolve into the surname Roger.117

Jacques Blou or Belou, a cooper, came to the colony by c1669, when he married Marie, daughter of François Girouard, at Port-Royal.  In 1671, Jacques was age 30, and Marie was 20.  Living with them was daughter Marie, age 8 months.  They owned 7 cattle and 1 sheep on "no land."  Marie gave Jacques seven children, including a son who does not seem to have created a family of his own, so only the blood of this family survived in the colony.117a

Pierre Cyr, an armurier or gunsmith, came to the colony by c1670, when he married Marie, a daughter of Jacques Bourgeois.  Pierre, who Father Molin called a Sire, was age 27, and Marie was 18 in 1671.  They lived on 5 arpents of land with their 3-month-old son, Jean.   They owned 11 cattle and 6 sheep.  Marie gave Pierre only two more children, both of them sons.  However, they and their oldest brother created families of their own.118

.

Ironically, members of the very First Family of Acadia did not appear in the first Acadian census.  In 1671, Charles La Tour had been dead for eight years.  His oldest child, daughter Jeanne, by his first wife, an Indian, would have been age 45, but neither she nor her husband were counted by Father Molin.  Neither were her younger sisters, Antoinette and ____, who had become nuns; they likely were not in the colony in 1671.  Charles La Tour's other surviving children, all by his third wife, Jeanne Motin, also do not appear in the 1671 census, taken nine years after Jeanne's death following the birth of her youngest child.  Marie would have been age 17, Jacques 16, Marguerite 13, Anne 10, and Charles, fils 8.  One wonders where they were and who would have been watching over them while Father Molin took his census.75

Pierre Lejeune dit Briard of Brie, as his name reveals, came to Port-Royal by c1650, when he married a daughter of Germain Doucet whose name has been lost to history.  She gave him two sons, Pierre dit Briard, fils, born in c1656, and Martin dit Briard Labrière, in c1661.  Father Molin counted none of them at Port-Royal in 1671.  They either were living in another Acadian settlement, or they were living outside of the colony.  The two sons and their families would be counted at La Hève, on the Atlantic coast, in 1686, so the family would not have ventured far from Acadia.71

Guyon, son of Pierre Chiasson or Giasson dit La Vallée and Marie Péroché of La Rochelle, came to the colony by c1666, when he married Jeanne Bernard, a stepdaughter of Antoine Belliveau, at Port-Royal.  Guyon and Jeanne were not listed in the 1671 census because they had moved to Mouchecoudabouet, now Musquodoboit Harbor, near present-day Halifax, by June 1668, and they were still there in October 1674; evidently they were among the 13 inhabitants at Mouchecoudabouet in 1671 whom Father Molin counted but did not name.  Guyon and his family moved on to Chignecto, where Jeanne died during the early 1680s.  Guyon remarried to Canadienne Marie-Madeleine, daughter of Pierre Martin of Sillery, at Québec in October 1683 and returned to Chignecto.  All four of his sons were by his first wife, and all of them created families of their own.87

Alexandre Le Borgne de Bélisle, the last proprietary governor of French Acadia, who came to the colony as a teenager in the late 1650s, would have been 31 years old in 1671.  Father Molin did not count him in the census, either, though he had returned to the colony with Governor Grandfontaine in the summer of 1670 and was with his family at Port-Royal the following year.  Alexandre, now calling himself Bélisle or Belle-Isle, was the seigneur of Port-Royal, though Governor Grandfontaine "told the people to regard [Bélisle] as a simple habitant."  According to his biographer, "Very little is known about Belle-Isle's activities in connection with Acadia between 1670" and his death at Port-Royal in the early 1690s.  Evidently he did not get along well with some of Acadia's royal governors.  Grandfontaine did what he could to limit Bélisle's powers, calling him just another habitant, and François-Marie Perrot, who governed during the mid-1680s, insisted that Alexandre "was addicted to wine.  When drunk he was capable of granting the same piece of land to several settlers at once, which could not but cause the farmers considerable vexation."  Louis-Alexandre des Friches de Meneval threw him in prison in November 1689 "because of irregularities of this nature."  Joseph Robinau de Villebon, who was commander of the colony in the early 1690s, also had problems with the Port-Royal seigneur.  During most of that time, heirs of d'Aulnay and Charles La Tour contested Alexandre's and his family's claims in Acadia.  Alexandre had married Marie, daughter of Charles de Saint-Étienne de La Tour and Jeanne Motin de Reux, in c1675, but they were not counted at Port-Royal until 1686.  Marie gave Alexandre seven children, including two sons who created families of their own.44b

Another important family in the colony that did not appear in Father Molin's census was that of capitaine de sauvages Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin of Saint-Castin, Béarn, France.  After spending time in Canada as a teenage ensign in the Carignan-Salières Regiment, Saint-Castin came to French Acadia with royal governor Grandfontaine, his former captain, in the summer of 1670.  Though only an 18-year-old lieutenant when he arrived at Pentagouët, Jean-Vincent soon commanded the garrison.  He also married an Abenaki chief's daughter, Mathilde, soon after his arrival, and she gave him 10 children, including three sons who created families of their own.  His remarriage to Mathilde's sister Marie Pidiwammiskwa, gave him two more daughters.  In 1674, upon the death of his older, unmarried brother Jean-Jacques, second baron de Saint-Castin, back in France, Jean-Vincent received the title and became the third baron de Saint-Castin--one of the very few Acadian seigneurs with such an elevated title of nobility.297

Settlements Old and New

Soon after the counting of heads by the new Acadian governor, some of the inhabitants of the Port-Royal basin became pioneers again--"the first swarming of the Acadians to establish their own hive," as one historian describes it.  Through the lens of history, the movement from Port-Royal seems inevitable.  "It was colonization by settlement of the land first, and the registration of ownership later," historian Naomi Griffiths tells us.  "The absence of French officials for some sixteen to seventeen years after 1654, and the lack of interest shown by Temple in establishing formal institutions registering land ownership during this same period, has meant that the written records of the early expansion of the Acadians from Port Royal between 1671 and 1686 are few and far between.  Those who settled on land without an obvious and recorded title of settlement during these years were understandably wary of any attempt to introduce formal registration practices to confirm titles to their holdings."  But resettle they did, and "in a small and closely related society, such as that which existed among those of European descent in the colony at this time, claims of land ownership would be a matter of communal memory, something to be registered with civil officials when such was in existence."  With the return of French control, this would be soon.89a

"Not long after 1671," writes another historian of the colony, "Jacques Bourgeois, the former surgeon of d’Aulnay and a well-to-do farmer of Port Royal, decided to move...."  His new settlement stood nearly a hundred miles northeast of Port-Royal, along the lower Rivière Missaguash just north of today's Cumberland Basin, an arm of the Baie de Chignecto that, in turn, is an extension of the Bay of Fundy.  The Mi'kmaq had long been familiar with the place, and early in the colony's history Frenchmen had noted it marvels.  Jesuit Father Pierre Biard, with proprietor Jean de Biencourt, visited the basin in 1612 and saw "'many large and beautiful meadows, extending further that the eye can reach."  The priest concluded that " ... the country ... would be very fertile if it were cultivated," but that had to wait for six long decades.  Historian Andrew Hill Clark notes that Bourgeois "had known the area in younger days in the course of extensive fur-trading activities and his move was undoubtedly aimed at the freer activity of Indian trading as well as of farming.  But he persuaded five other families to go with him and the prospects of farming were certainly bright enough with a situation on the edge of the largest continuous expanse of dykable marshland in eastern North America [the Tintamarre].  Even without dyking, the resources of salt-marsh hay, and of grazing, must have seemed limitless.  Within five years the group was well established, other settlers followed, more and more land was reclaimed, and the flocks and herds increased."  Nevertheless, as an official visitor to area attested in the mid-1680s, ""the first years at Beaubassin were particularly difficult because of the lack of dry pasture and the amount of work and resources it took to establish the dykes."  No matter, the location of a new settlement so far from the prying eyes of French officials at Port-Royal doubtlessly was another incentive to settle the place.  The Acadians at Port-Royal who had moved higher up the valley found themselves stuck in a virtual cul de sac which tended to remove them from the New English trade.  Now, New English merchants could slip quietly past Port-Royal up to Chignecto Bay, make their way into the narrow basin, and trade with the Acadians at the mouth of the Missaguash.  Moreover, the portage along the Missaguash connecting Chignecto Bay with Baie-Verte "was an important relay station in the sea communications between Acadia and Canada and a strategic position commanding the isthmus and Baie Française."89

Among the men who followed Jacques Bourgeois to this distant new settlement were his older sons Charles and Germain; his son-in-law Pierre Cyr and future sons-in-law Jean Boudrot and Germain Girouard; Germain Girouard's brothers-in-law Thomas Cormier and Jacques Blou, one a carpenter, the other a cooper; and Pierre Arseneau, a former pilot who had recently arrived at Port-Royal aboard L'Oranger.  In October 1676, Canadian Michel Le Neuf de La Vallière, son of a governor of Trois-Rivières and son-in-law of Nicolas Denys, secured seigniorial rights from Governor-General Frontenac and Intendant Duchesneau to a 10-square-league area around the new settlement.  La Vallière called his seigneurie Beaubassin and "established himself on an 'island' of higher ground in the marshes" that flanked the Missaguash, today's Tonge's Island.  The collection of settlements that arose in the area also was known by the Indian name Chignecto, after the narrow, 15-mile-wide isthmus that these settlements straddled.  Acadian tradition insists that the grant to La Vallière specified that "he leave undisturbed any settlers there, together with the lands they used or had planned to use for themselves; the Bourgeois group was thus protected," but in March 1682, the Bourgeoiss and other original settlers were being referred to as La Vallière's "tenants."  During the late 1670s and early 1680s, the seigneur was the commander and then governor of Acadia, so Beaubassin served as the colony's capital until it returned to Port-Royal in 1684.  During the following years, settlements appeared on either side of the Cumberland Basin and Rivière Missaguash at Menoudy, Maccan, Nappan, La Planche, and Rivière-des-Hébert east of the Missaguash, and at Veshak, La Coupe, Aulac, Le Lac, Les-Richards, Tintamarre, and La Coupe west of it. Several church parishes were created for the area:  Notre-Dame-du Ban Secours, also called Notre-Dame-de-l'Assomption-de-la-Trés-Ste.-Vierge, at Beaubassin; St.-Louis at Pointe-de Beauséjour; and St.-Anne at Tintamarre.90

With La Vallière came new settlers to the Chignecto area in the late 1670s, among them Guyon Chiasson dit Lavallée, then in his middle age and married to his second wife; and Michel Larché or Haché dit Gallant, a young servant of the seigneur who married Anne, daughter of Thomas Cormier.  From Port-Royal in the late 1670s and early 1680s came Michel, son of Jean Poirier; and Irishman Roger dit Jean Caissie, brother-in-law of Michel Poirier (an historian of the Acadian experience says that Roger may have introduced fruit trees to Beaubassin).  During the following years, other settlers in the Chignecto area bore the names Belliveau, Bernard, Boucher, Bourg, Brun, Carret, Clémençeau, Daigre, Doiron, Doucet, Dugas, Forest, Gaudet, Gravois, Guénard, Hébert, Hugon, Labauve, Lambert, Landry, Lanoue, Livois, Martin, Melanson, Mouton, Olivier, Orillon, Pothier, Quimine, Richard, and Thériot.91

Meanwhile, the Acadians who remained in the Port-Royal valley built more aboiteaux on both sides of the river above and below the fort, claiming more arable land from the basin and its tributaries.  Settlers moved as far upriver as the terrain and the salt marshes allowed, and others fanned out along the many smaller streams that flowed from the uplands into the basin.  New settlers arrived, took up new land, and married into the families already there.  Despite living under the noses of the French, and later the British, officials who ran the colony, Port-Royal Acadians went about their business much as their cousins and compatriots did in the newer, more distant settlements.  Two church parishes served the Port-Royal area:  the original parish for the colony, St.-Jean-Baptiste, in the village near the fort on the lower river; and St.-Laurent on the upper river.  Here was "the oldest settlement in the colony, ... almost always linked to the other communities of the colony by kin ties," Professor Griffiths tells us.  "Until the founding of Halifax in 1749, it was most often the administrative centre of the colony and its population was the most varied.  Its permanent settlers saw a greater number of transients--administrators, soldiers, ecclesiastics, and merchants" than did the newer Acadian settlements.  "Finally, the attitude of those who lived at Port Royal was built on a greater awareness of the general politics of the region, the influence of both French and English upon events, than those who lived elsewhere in the colony exhibited."  Some "permanent" residents in the colonial capital built houses near the fort and engaged in legitimate commerce, among them Abraham Boudrot, a son of the colony's first lieutenant général civil et criminel, Michel Boudrot.  Most administrators did not remain in the colony when their term of service ended, but Mathieu de Goutin, head clerk or recorder and conseiller du roi, whose long tenure began in the late 1680s, married into an Acadian family, the Thibodeaus, and remained at Port-Royal.  From the restoration of French control in Acadia through the first decades of British rule in Nova Scotia, Alexandre Le Borgne de Bélisle and his descendants held the seigneurie at Port-Royal.  Other families there, old and new, also bore the names Allain, Babineau, Bastarache, Belliveau, Blanchard, Bonnevie, Bourg, Bourgeois, Breau, Broussard, Brun, Comeau, Doucet, Dugas, Duon, Dupuis, Forest, Gaudet, Gauthier, Gautrot, Girouard, Gousman, Granger, Guédry, Guilbeau, Hébert, Henry, Jeanson, Landry, Lanoue, Lavergne, LeBlanc, Léger, Levron, Martin, Martin dit Barnabé, Melanson, Michel, Moyse, Orillon, Part, Pellerin, Préjean, Prince, Richard, Robichaud, Roy, Savary, Savoie, and Thériot.98 

A comparison of the surnames found at Port-Royal with those at Chignecto reveals that members of the families who pioneered newer settlements also remained at Port-Royal.  Professor Griffiths observes:  "The question of land shortage has often been given as the motive for internal migration within a colony.  But, in Acadia, the continued population growth of the older settlements would argue that this was only one of many reasons, including social, political, and religious tensions within the older communities as well as the lure of the frontier itself."  She adds:  "As well as people, Port Royal had also provided the new communities with stock, tools, and, perhaps as important as anything else, the knowledge of skills necessary to survive and prosper," especially in the construction of aboiteaux.98a

The Acadians and the Indians

An interesting and seemingly unique aspect of life for these Acadian habitants was their relationship with the local Indians.  Unlike the English and Dutch colonists down the coast, whose burgeoning settlements rose up suddenly where the Indians also dwelled, the Acadian settlements never became populous or intrusive enough to threaten the Indians' way of life. 

The Mi'kmaq, when the Europeans came, occupied present-day Nova Scotia, including Cape Breton Island, eastern New Brunswick, the Gaspé peninsula, and Prince Edward Island--Esisgeoagig, they called their part of the world, also Megumagee, "red earth country."  Unlike most of the Eastern Woodland nations, they were not sedentary agricultural Indians but hunters, gatherers, and fishermen.  The Portuguese explorer Joao Álvares Fegundes may have interacted with them during the early 1520s.  Jacques Cartier encountered them in the Baie des Chaleurs during his first voyage to the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1534.  During his exploration of the Atlantic coast of Acadia and the Bay of Fundy in early 1583, Rouen merchant Étienne Bellenger also encountered them and described some of their customs to English scholar Richard Hakluyt:  "'They weare their hayre hanging downe long before and behynde as long as their Navells,'" Bellenger observed, and added that "'they go all naked saving for their privates which they cover with an Apron of some Beastes skynn.'"  Bellenger noted that the Indians he encountered "from 60 to 80 leagues westward from Cape Breton he found cunning, cruel, and treacherous; he lost two of his men and his pinnace to them as he made his way back along the Nova Scotia shore" towards the end of his four-month voyage.  "The Indians farther to the west," Bellenger insisted, "were gentle and tractable."  He may not have realized it, but these Indians, both the "cruel" and the "gentle," belonged to the same tribe.  The Mi'kmaq closer to Cape Breton had been subjected to the depredations of the coastal fishermen longer and more intensely than their kinsmen to the west, hence their "cruel" behavior.  Continuing their journey westward, Bellenger and his men "visited an Indian village of 80 houses on a river 100 leagues from Cape Breton, not far, that is, from Cap de Sable.  He had a quantity of small merchandise for trade, and acquired from the Indians in return for it dressed 'buff' (probably elk), deer, and seal skins, together with marten, beaver, otter, and lynx pelts, samples of castor, porcupine quills, dye-stuffs, and some dried deer-flesh."  The beaver pelts alone, Bellenger claimed, could make 600 hats.139 

Called Souriquois and Gaspésians by early French settlers, the Mi'kmaq numbered about 3,000 during the first decade of the 1600s, down from an estimated 35,000 before first contact with the Europeans nearly a century before.  During these times, only the Mi'kmaq lived in the interior of peninsula Acadia, where they hunted during the winter in the shelter of the forest, but they spent most of their time along the shore, taking advantage of the wealth of food there throughout all but six weeks of the year.  On the long, rocky coast of the Atlantic, facing the offshore fishing grounds, they had endured the abuses of the European fishermen for decades and sometimes had responded with spears and arrows.  Yet they got along well with the early French settlers, who were interested mainly in the fur trade and seemed to come and go with some frequency.  To be sure, there was potential competition in the acquisition of furs, but from the beginning the French and Indians in Acadia chose cooperation, not competition, in the mutually beneficial trade.  Like many nations of North America, the exigencies of the fur trade dramatically altered Mi'kmaq cultural patterns.  The Indians trapped and skinned the animals and traded the pelts for goods that only Europeans could provide.  The resulting frontier exchange economy provided an eager market among the Mi'kmaq for European goods.  Unlike the nations of Canada, who could trade with the English and the Dutch as well as the French, for most of the seventeenth century Mi'kmaq geography kept them beholden to the French, who "deliberately settled very near the Indians and were comfortable in their presence.  In a country of enormous size, they did not attempt to drive the Indians off the land or to push them away."  When French families finally appeared among them during the late 1630s, French homesteads, built beside the Fundy marshes, the Mi'kmaq could ignore "because they did not hinder the traditional way of life" of this non-agricultural people.  The Acadian farmers, in fact, with their clever aboiteaux, created new land where only salt marsh had stood.  On these new lands, the Acadians grew grains, cabbages, peas, and other vegetables, not a nutrient-depleting cash crop like tobacco, which in other colonies forced Europeans to drive the natives from their land to grow more and more of the lucrative commodity.  Moreover, the French population in Acadia grew at a glacial pace, while in the New England and Chesapeake colonies to the south the European populations exploded.  So, while colonists in Virginia, New York, and New England died by the score in Indian uprisings, the Acadians, until their last few years in the colony, knew only peace with the Mi'kmaq and their Algonquin cousins.139b

Both religious and secular factors contributed to this remarkable relationship.  Professor Griffiths offers the large perspective:  "... the issues of conversion of the Mi'kmaq and of Christian observance among the settlers [of Acadia] did not hold the same measure of intensity as elsewhere.  The Mi'kmaq neither burnt nor tortured those who came among them.  There were no saints, by martyrdom or through the practice of heroic virtue, among the seventeenth-century settlers in the colony.  The indigenous religious beliefs of the Mi'kmaq reflected the importance to them of the environment in which they lived.  Such an orientation would not have been alien to the many Franciscans who worked among them, whose lives were governed by a discipline established by a man who talked to the birds and called the moon his sister, the sun, his brother.  Further, the Jesuit missionaries who did work among the Mi'kmaq seem to have been more closely connected to the colonists than they were in New France and much less likely to emphasize the necessity of cultural change for their converts."139c 

Genealogical records, as well as tribal oral history, reveal that the relationship of the Acadians with the Mi'kmaq was more than economic and religious.  Members of many Acadian families--d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin, Aucoin, Blanchard, Bourgeois, Cellier, Clémenceau, Damours/Louvière, Denys de la Ronde, Doucet, Guédry, Haché dit Gallant, Labauve, Lambert, Landry, LeBlanc, Lejeune, Martin, Mius d'Azy, Pellerin, Pinet, Petitpas, Roy, Saint-Étienne de La Tour, Serreau de Saint-Aubin, some of high rank, others more humble--practiced métissage.  As a result, their descendants can count members of the tribe among their ancestors.  Historian David Hackett Fischer reminds us that "These mixed marriages were actively encouraged by French leaders and were blessed by the Catholic clergy.  French Catholic leaders," in fact, Fischer asserts, "were more tolerant of marriages with Indians than of unions with Protestants."  Historian Patrice Gallant has noted that "When their father was an Indian, Métis children sometimes adopted as their family name that of their French mother.  That is why the children of" a Mi'kmaq named Joseph, husband of Jeanne Lejeune dit Briard, "were known by the name [dit] Lejeune."  When Chief Jean Baptiste Cope of Shubenacadie signed a treaty with Governor Hopson at Halifax in November 1752, two of the Mi'kmaq headmen who put their mark to the document were Andrew Hadley Martin and Gabriel Martin.139a

Long before the Europeans arrived, the Mi'kmaq had "retained an overarching political structure called the Sante Mawi'omi, which translates to 'Grand Council' or 'Holy Gathering.'  Legendarily founded hundreds of years earlier in response to Iroquois raids from the east, the council brought together the 'captains' of seven Mi'kmaq districts for talks on 'peace and war, treaties of friendship, and treaties for the common good.'"  During historical times, the Mi'kmaq considered themselves part of a loose confederation of Algonquian-speaking nations, collectively called the Wabanaki.  Other Wabanaki nations included the Maliseet, or Wolastoqiyik, of the St.-Jean valley, called the Etchemin by early French explorers; the Passamaquoddy of the Rivière Ste.-Croix area, who early explorers threw in with the Etchemin; the Eastern Abenaki or Wabenaki of coastal Maine, who the early French called Abenaquais or Abenaqueoit; and their cousins the Penobscot, who also were sometimes thrown in with the Etchemin.  These nations, in turn, were related by language, if not culture, to other Algonquian speakers in the region, such as the Ottawa of the Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence region.  All of them had in common an ancient rivalry with the Iroquoian tribes of the St. Lawrence valley and upper New York, though, to the chagrin of early French leaders, the Algonquians also fought among themselves.  The French also had a long history of conflict with the Iroquois.  Cartier had antagonized the Laurentian Iroquois during the early 1500s, and Champlain had interjected the French into the ancient Indian rivalry by building Québec on the site of an abandoned Iroquoian village and then allying with the Ottawa against the Mohawk.  In historical times, at least, the Iroquois did not raid as far east as the Acadian peninsula, but the Six Nations of upper New York, especially the Mohawk, enthusiastically fought their fellow Iroquois-speaking Huron, as well as the Wabanaki and other Algonquian-speaking nations that threatened their hegemony in the region.  In these wars along the Indian frontier, the French Canadians played their part as allies of the Algonquian people.  The founders of Acadia--de Mons, Poutrincourt, Biencourt, La Tour, and later Razilly and d'Aulnay--emulated Champlain in Canada by using the Mi'kmaq and other nations not only to gather precious furs, but also to provide a buffer of protection against the enemies of the colony, be they Indian or European.  Following the humiliating defeat of the Algonquian of New England in King Philip's War of 1675, their linguistic cousins up the coast formalized a Wabanaki Confederacy, which became an essential weapon in their struggle against the English interlopers, whose colonies always far outnumbered the French settlements to the north.  Unfortunately for these proud people, there was a price to pay for allying themselves to an overweening European power.  French officials plied the Wabanaki with gifts and promises, while French traders threatened to withhold their trade goods if the Wabanaki refused to help them in the wars against the English.  Missionary priests, especially the Jesuits, were keen to the realities of trade and security and took advantage of Wabanaki vulnerabilities in order to convert them to Roman Catholicism.  It was not unusual for Wabanaki bands to take to the warpath with one or two black robes padding along to give spiritual sustenance to the painted warriors.  "Their methods were often cruel and ruthless, being based chiefly on political necessities, and the higher principles of the Christian faith were subordinated for the time being to these considerations," a Canadian historian has described these warrior-priests.  But one doubts if these sturdy Jesuits were troubled by their consciences.  In their eyes, the English and the Dutch were unrepentant heretics who were worse than heathen savages.140  

The traders and priests were not the only ones who maintained influence with the Wabanaki nations.  Some of the so-called seigneurs of Acadia, especially in coastal Maine, were capitaines de sauvages, or captains of the Indians, "who," according to one historian, "trained Indians for the defence[sic] of territories put in their charge."  The most famous of the captaines de sauvages was young nobleman Jean-Vincent, son of Jean-Jacques d'Abbadie, sieur de Saint-Castin, Herrère, d'Escout et d'Escou, and first baron de Saint-Castin.  In 1665, as a teenaged ensign in the Carignan-Salières Regiment, Jean-Vincent went to Canada to fight the Mohawk.  After returning to France, he came to Acadia in 1670 with royal governor Grandfontaine, whose headquarters on the lower Penobscot stood near the territory of the eastern Abenaki.  Jean-Vincent was an 18-year-old bachelor when he came to Pentagouët and soon commanded the small garrison there.  In 1671, still in his teens, he married Mathilde, the daughter of Abenaki headman Madokawondo, and created at Pentagouët "a kind of feudal principality that was half Indian...."   According to Acadian historian Bona Arsenault, Saint-Castin "soon became the supreme chief of the entire Abenaki tribe, subjecting them to dictatorial rule."  In 1674, upon the death of his older, unmarried brother in France, Jean-Vincent was named third baron de Saint-Castin, the name of his birthplace in Béarn.  The French governors of Acadia, like those of Canada, used capitaines de sauvages like Saint-Castin to protect their settlements from the English.  "It was an ingenious defence system for the Acadian territory," Bona Arsenault tells us:  "integration of the Indians into the organization helped the comparatively small Acadian colony against the more populous English colonies in New England, especially Massachusetts, bordering Acadia.  When war broke out, these captains ordered out the Indians who repelled attacks or carried out bloody raids directly into the heart of the English colonies."  But there also was a price to pay for such a scheme.  "[E]xpeditions carried out by some of these captains and their Indian infantry into enemy territory often were for reasons other than mere defence; consequently, the peaceful Acadian colonists often suffered painful counterattacks as as result.  Furthermore," Arsenault reminds us, "the raids built up animosity and hate for the Acadians among the Massachusetts settlers in particular."  This became manifest in the long series of imperial conflicts that erupted in North America in 1689.141  

The Acadians and Their Seigneurs

A creature of France, Acadia from its earliest days was burdened with French institutions more suitable for the mother country than the North American wilderness.  One of these was the medieval institution of feudalism, especially its component, manorialism, which in New France was called seigneurialism.  A seigneurie, like the Old World manor, was a grant of land from the King to a vassal.  In France, only nobles held seigneuries.  Not so in North America.  Grants were made to military officers, successful merchants, and favorites of the governors and intendants.  Along with land came other feudal rights enjoyed by the seigneur.  It was assumed that a seigneur would attract to his land settlers known as censitaires or habitants, who in turn would employ hired, often indentured, workers called engagés.  As part of the feudal arrangement, the seigneur was empowered to collect from his inhabitants cens et rentes, or quit-rents, which were taxes for use of the land.  The seigneur also could impose inheritance taxes called lods et vents and require his habitants to work for him for three days of the year, usually on projects beneficial to everyone living on the seigneurie.  The seigneur also held the right of seigneurial justice, by which he decided disputes over land usage and over inheritance of land within his seigneurie.100 

In 1627, Cardinal Richelieu, in the name of King Louis XIII, imposed a seigneurial system on New France that Champlain had introduced four years before.  In 1665, Canada's intendant, Jean Talon, as direct representative of King Louis XIV in the colony, was given the power to grant and oversee the many seigneuries that lined both banks of the Fleuve St.-Laurent, "the Highway of New France."  Talon demanded that the seigneurs actually live on their "long lots" beside the St. Lawrence.  Following French custom, women were allowed to inherit their husbands' or fathers' seigneuries.  There was nothing in Acadia like Canada's St. Lawrence, with its miles upon miles of long-lot seigneuries lining both banks of the river.  No great fleuve ran for dozens of leagues into Acadia's interior, serving as a great highway, both of communication and commerce, for the colony.  There was the Bay of Fundy, to be sure, with its smaller bays, its inlets, and its wide, marsh-lined basins, but the generally rocky coast of La Grand Baie Française, as de Mons and Champlain called it, precluded settlement along its shores.101 

De Mons himself had been the first "seigneur" of Acadia, though the institution did not take root there until many decades later.  As holder of the King's concession, he possessed the power to grant seigneuries.  His first grant was that of Port-Royal to his lieutenant, Jean de Biencourt, sieur de Poutrincourt et de Saint-Just.  Upon Poutrincourt's death, his oldest son, Charles de Biencourt de Saint-Just, inherited the seigneurie.  After Biencourt's death, Charles La Tour lay claim to the young bachelor's seigneurial rights not only for Port-Royal, but all of Acadia.  After Isaac de Razilly became governor of Acadia, he granted Port-Royal to his cousin and lieutenant, Charles de Menou, sieur d’Aulnay de Charnisay.  Another of Razilly's lieutenants, Nicolas Denys de la Ronde, held wide-spread seigneuries at Fort St.-Pierre on Cape Breton Island; at Canso, Chédabouctou, and Port Rossignol on the Atlantic side of the peninsula; and along the Gulf of St. Lawrence shore at Miscou, Nepisiguit, and Miramichi, where his son, Richard de Fronsac, held sway in a four-bastioned stone fort during the 1680s.  A Denys associate, Bernard Bugaret dit Saint-Martin of Bordeaux, may have received a concession at Mirliguèche, on the Atlantic coast above La Hève.  Charles La Tour was granted, or, more accurately, confirmed to have been holding, seigneuries at Cap-Sable, on lower Rivière St.-Jean, and at Machias in Maine.  "During these early years," historian Naomi Griffiths tells us, "the seigneuries were basically statements of administrative rights and responsibilities rather than blueprints for action."  Quoting Joan Bourque Campbell's study of "The Seigneurs of Acadie," Professor Griffiths reminds us that the early seigneurs were little more than "land settling agents."102 

After Razilly's death in 1636, his successor, d'Aulnay, assumed his cousin's hold on the other concessionaires in the colony, even going so far as to destroy or seize some of their holdings when they resisted him.  Meanwhile, d'Aulnay transferred the colony's agricultural operation from La Hève to Port-Royal.  There, likely under the seigneur's supervision, the habitants began the practice of reclaiming the salt mashes lining the basin with extensive dykes called aboiteaux.  Not only the construction but also the maintenance of these mounds of earth and the delicate wooden clapper valves that kept the salt tides out and allowed the rain water to cleanse the soil behind the aboiteaux required the collective effort of the inhabitants.  Three days a year of required collective labor made no sense to these hard-working farmers.  They worked together, neighbor helping neighbor, not at the behest of a pushy seigneur but when necessity required it, which was often.  This collective labor, along with their kinship networks, not seigneurial obligations, became the glue that bound them tightly together and helped to create a unique Acadian culture.103 

After the death of d'Aulnay in 1650, the Acadian seigneurial system was shaken up again.  Charles La Tour granted a seigneurie at Pobomcoup near Cap-Sable to his boyhood friend and lieutenant, Philippe Mius d'Entremont, whose descendants retained it for nearly a century.  One biographer insists that Mius d'Entremont was among the few Acadian seigneurs who not only lived on his manor, but also encouraged immigrants from France and especially habitants from Port-Royal to settle there and engage in agriculture.  La Tour, meanwhile, could not hold on to Port-Royal, even after marrying d'Aulnay's widow.  The largest settlement in the colony fell into the hands of d'Aulnay's chief creditor in France:  Emmanuel Le Borgne, a wealthy La Rochelle merchant, secured the seigneurial rights to Port-Royal and its environs and passed them on to his second son, Alexandre de Bélisle.  The seigneurial rights in the Minas Basin were long disputed by the heirs of La Tour and Le Borgne, some of whom had conveniently--or perhaps inconveniently--married one another.  The Le Borgnes, La Tours, Mius d'Entremonts, Nicolas Denys, and others, held their rights even after the colony was lost to England in 1654.104 

The governors-general and intendants of New France, who after 1670 held sway over royally-controlled Acadia, awarded seigneuries to their favorites, especially Canadian aristocrats, in hopes of encouraging settlement in the recovered colony.  In July 1672, Intendant Jean Talon granted to Pierre Denys de La Ronde, Nicolas Denys's nephew, and Denys de La Ronde's partners Charles Aubert de La Chesnaye and Charles Bazire, "'a tract of land extending from Percé to La Malbaei," on the tip of the Gaspé peninsula, at the northwestern edge of greater Acadia; "there they established a sedentary fishery, ... which Denys de la Ronde managed" in an area once held by his uncle.  In October 1672, hoping to encourage settlement on the most important transportation link between Québec and Acadia, Talon awarded four seigneuries on lower Rivière St.-Jean.  On October 17, he confirmed the rights of Martin d'Aprendestiguy of Ascain, Guyenne, France, a Basque, to a seigneurie near the mouth of the St.-Jean, once controlled by Charles La TourD'Aprendestiguy's wife was Jeanne, La Tour's oldest daughter by his first wife, a Mi'kmaq, so the family connection was essential in the elevation of d'Aprendestiguy to the title of Sieur de Martignon and the recognition of his seigneurial rights on the river.  Later, he and his wife received an additional seigneurial grant farther upriver at Jemseg.  D'Aprendestiguy planned to establish a cattle-raising venture on his seigneurie, producing enough beeves, he hoped, not only to feed Québec, but also to import meet to the French West Indies.  He also made plans to develop a dry fishery in the area.  On October 18, Talon granted a smaller concession, "of some two leagues of river frontage," to Jacques Potier, sieur de Saint-Denis, who, unlike d'Aprendestiguy and other seigneurs on the river, seems to have been an absentee landlord.  On October 20, Pierre de Joybert de Soulanges de Marson, Acadian Governor Grandfontaine's second in command, who had been living at the fort at Jemseg for the past two years, received a seigneurie named Joybert on Rivière St.-Jean, running "four leagues from the mouth of the river and ... one league in depth, including the site of the present-day city of Saint John," New Brunswick; on the same day, Joybert's younger brother, Jacques de Joybert, received a grant "on one side the grant to ... his brother."  Four years later, in October 1676, soon after he was named commander of the colony, Pierre de Joybert received two more grants, one named Soulanges at Nashouat, the other called Marson at Jemseg, both on the St.-Jean, where he died in July 1678 while serving as governor of Acadia.  In March 1691, Pierre de Joybert's widow was secured in her rights to her husband's seigneurie at Jemseg.  Meanwhile, in October 1676, Michel Le Neuf de la Vallière, who also would serve as commander and governor of Acadia, was awarded a large seigneurie at Chignecto, which he called Beaubassin.  He then became Michel Le Neuf de la Vallière et de Beaubassin.  Tradition has it that La Vallière was ordered to respect the rights of the Chignecto settlers already established there, but this proud Canadian likely would have ignored any diminution of his seigneurial powers, even if the caveat existed.  In March 1683, Jean Martel de Magos, whose wife was a Robinau, received a grant of seigneurie at Mégais, or Machias, on the Maine coast, once held by Charles La Tour.  In June 1684, Jean Serreau de Saint-Aubin, native of Poitou and recently domiciled on Île d'Orléans, near Québec, was granted a large seigneurie at Passamaquoddy, including Île Ste.-Croix, site of de Monts's original settlement, despite his having killed a man in Canada.  Saint Aubin set himself up on Île Archimagan, today's St. Andrews, New Brunswick, at the mouth of Rivière Ste.-Croix.  In the 1680s, the older sons of Mathieu D'Amours, sieur de Matane, a native of Paris and a prominent member of Québec's Sovereign Council, received seigneurial grants at Rivière Richibouctou on the Gulf of St. Lawrence shore and especially along the middle stretches of Rivière St.-Jean above Jemseg.  These D'Amourss--Louis, whose seigneurie lay at Jemseg; Mathieu, fils, whose seigneurie lay between Jemseg and Nashouat; and René--managed to lure a few families from the Port-Royal basin to their holdings.  During the 1690s, younger D'Amours, sons Charles and Bernard, also received seigneuries along Rivière St.-Jean.  In 1683, Port-Rossignol on the Atlantic coast, once held by Nicolas Denys, was granted to Aubert de La Chesnay.  In 1684, a seigneurie along the Atlantic coast from the Mouscoudabouet area up to and past Canso and Chédabouctou, was granted to Claude Bergier, ____ Gauthier, and others, in an area also once held by Nicolas Denys.  In July 1688, Governor-General Denonville and Intendant Bochart de Champigny awarded a seigneurie to Antoine Laumet dit La Mothe, sieur de Cadillac, a Gascon poseur recently married into a prominent Canadian family, the Guyons.  Cadillac's huge grant, confirmed in May 1689, "included a tract of land two leagues in extent, on the sea, at Frenchman's Bay near Megeis (Machias), the river Douaquet (Douaquec), running through it it but not being part of the grant.  Also included in the seigniory was Mount Desert Island and all others near by," hence the ridiculous breadth of the poseur's name--Antoine de La Mothe Cadillac, seigneur de Douaquet et des Monts Déserts.  Cadillac, whose humble origins remained a secret in New France, went on to found Détroit and to serve as governor of Louisiana.  In 1689, Jean-Baptiste Le Gardeur and Demoiselle Marie-Josèphe Le Neuf, daughter of the sieur de La Vallière of Beaubassin, received grants at Shubenacadie, also called St.-Joseph, "'to make settlements and to trade with the Indians, there,'" a year after the 18-year-old demoiselle bore an illegitimate child by one of her father's tenants (The demoiselle married Le Gardeur's son Jean-Paul in 1692).  That same year, the governor-general and the intendant awarded a seigneurie to Michel Diguez, "an inhabitant of Pokemouche, of 'a league of frontage by a league of depth on the Pokemouche River, in the Bay of Chaleurs, Miscou coast, twenty-five leagues from Île Percée, the said grant to begin at the mouth of the said river and to run inland, with the right to trade with the Indians and to hunt and fish in the whole extent of it.'"  In 1696, Sieur Duplessis received at grant at Rivière Cocagne on the Gulf of St. Lawrence shore above Baie-Verte.  The following year, a number of fiefs were awarded along the same shore southwest of Cocagne:  at Linoville to Mathieu Martin de Lino; at St.-Paul to Sieur Paul Dupuy; in March at Outelas to John Outlaw, called Jean Outlan or Houtelas, sieur d'Outlas, whose second wife was a niece of Nicholas Denys; at Tatamagouche to Jean-Paul Le Gardeur in April; at Cap-Louis to the Sieur de La Boissellery Noël (perhaps made earlier, in 1690); at Antigonish to Charles Denys de Vitre, a nephew of Nicolas Denys; to Marc-Antoine, sieur de Cottentré, at De Cottentré; and to Hughes Randin at Mirliguèche on the Atlantic coast, where a fort was built.  In May 1697, Governor-General Frontenac and Intendant Bochart de Champigny awarded to Jacques Cochu a grant on Grande-Rivière "situated in the Bay of Chaleurs, with a league and a half of frontage by two of depth, to begin from the seigneury of Grand Pabos belonging to Sr. René Hubert in following the coast from Cape Epois towards Île Percée.  In fief only."  In June 1698, Jacques Gourdeau of Québec, whose son Pierre would marry a daughter of Prudent Robichaud of Port-Royal, received a grant "of a back fief" along Rivière Miramichi on the Gulf of St. Lawrence shore once held by Nicolas Denys and sold it the following February to Pierre Rey-Gaillard.  After being held prisoner in Boston during the first year of Queen Anne's War, Thomas Lefebrve, a native of Rouen and former resident of Canada who served as an interpreter among the Abenaki, received a seigneurie at Koessanouskek, near Pentagöuet on the coast of Maine, in May 1703.  The Saint-Castins of Pentagöuet also could be counted among the colony's seigneurs; Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin, in fact, was the only Acadian seigneur who held an elevated aristocratic title, that of baron.105  

Canadian leaders also awarded seigneuries to well-connected Acadian officials, most, if not all of them, natives of France.  Interestingly, several of these officials married Acadians.  In May 1683, Jean Martel dit Magos, seigneur of Mégais, on the Maine coast, "granted half of his seigneury" to Pierre Chênet, a native of Paris, who, after working as a schoolmaster at Port-Royal, became the King's attorney for the colony in March 1687.  In January 1689, the governor-general and intendant granted Chênet, now referred to as sieur Dubreuil, "'two leagues' frontage" along Rivière St.-Jean "at a place called by the Indians Kanibekachiche and little Nakchouac [Nashouat], to wit one league on one side and one league on the other, the said places ... being in the centre of his grant, with the island and islets that are found opposite, and three leagues in depth'"; two years later, Chênet Dubreuil married Louise dite Jeanne, a daughter of Pierre Doucet.  Mathieu de Goutin, who, from August 1688, served as King's lieutenant général civil et criminel, or general representative for justice; écrivain, or colonial secretary; conseiller, or counselor; and trésorier, or paymaster, was granted a seigneurie at Mouscoudabouet, also called Musquodoboit, on the Atlantic side of the peninsula, in August 1691; de Goutin's wife was Jeanne, a daughter of prominent colonist Pierre Thibodeau.  In 1695, de Goutin received a second grant at Pointe-aux-Chênes, or Oak Point, on Rivière St.-Jean.  On 21 August 1700, Claude-Sébastien Le Bassier de Villieu, described as "Administrator of Acadia," received a seigneurial grant at Chepoudy, on the upper Bay of Fundy; de Villieu was the son-in-law of former governor La Vallière, who controlled the seigneurie at nearby Beaubassin.  This relationship could only have helped the "Administrator" in securing his grant at Chepoudy despite Pierre Thibodeau's claim to the area.  In 1706, Jean-Chrysostôme Loppinot of St.-Nicolas-des-Champs, Paris, clerk of court at Port-Royal from April 1699 and King's attorney from May 1704, was awarded the seigneurie of Cap-Fourchu, on the western Atlantic shore north of Pobomcoup; Loppinot's wife was a daughter of Germain Doucet, fils.  After the fall of Port-Royal in 1710, de Goutin and Loppinot were among the French officials who were transported out of the colony, the one to France and then Louisbourg, the other to Plaisance, Newfoundland.  Neither official returned to British Nova Scotia, so one can assume that their seigneurial rights left the colony with them.106 

Save for the de La Vallière fief at Chignecto and some of the D'Amours holdings on Rivière St.-Jean, the seigneuries granted by the government at Québec never amounted to much in the way of long-term, intensive settlement.  Most of these grants likely were devoted to the fur trade, not to agriculture.  The older seigneuries held by the La Tours, d'Entremonts, and Le Borgnes, and new holdings that appeared in the upper Fundy region beginning in the 1680s, were the only ones that affected the majority of the Acadian population during the years of both French and British control.107 

During the late 1680s and late 1690s, several habitants at Port-Royal with no claims to nobility or official distinction received seigneuries in unsettled parts of the upper Fundy region, no doubt to encourage further settlement in the region.  In late March 1689, Mathieu Martin, perhaps the first Frenchman born in the colony, received the seigneurie of Cobeguit, on an interior bay northeast of the Minas Basin; a Nova Scotia official noted many decades later that the area had never been a part of the La Tour family's claims in the basin.  On 20 June 1695, Governor-General Frontenac and Intendant Champigny granted to Pierre Thibodeau, "a resident of Port-Royal, of the K8askag8she River, between Mount Desert and Machias, 'with a league on either side of the said river by two leagues of depth, to be measured from its mouth, with the islands and islets if any be found there.'"  Citing a grant from Joseph Robinau de Villebon, the colony's commander at the time, Pierre Thibodeau claimed a seigneurie also at Chepoudy on the north shore of upper Bay of Fundy, and his colleague Guillaume Blanchard on the nearby Rivière Petitcoudiac, during the late 1690s.  Both "seigneurs" soon ran afoul of the Sieur de La Vallière of Beaubassin, seigneur of Chignecto, who insisted that his seigneurial grant included the areas claimed by Thibodeau and Blanchard.  "According to tradition, preserved by the elders of Memramcook, Jean-Baptiste Forest," son of the family's progenitor and "husband of Élisabeth LaBarre, was the seigneur of Menoudie" at Chignecto "before the Expulsion."  If this was so, then Forest also would have been run afoul of the Sieur de La Vallière and his descendants.  The habitants-turned-seigneurs, actual or imaginary, were no more successful in collecting cens et rentes as were their aristocratic "betters."  Acadians were known as a hospitable people, clever in trade, hard-working, devoted beyond measure to their wives and children, ready and willing to help their neighbors, who more often than not were family members, but they also were stubborn, contentious, litigious, and jealous of the few rights they enjoyed as Frenchmen.  Paying rent to a seigneur, even if he was a kinsman, was not an obligation they practiced with enthusiasm.  Still, the obligation was real, and, even after the British returned, the obligation did not go away.108 

Historian/geographer Andrew Hill Clark notes:  "Every Frenchman of the seventeenth century, at least every Frenchman north of the Roman Law area, must have believed that the only way to hold land was, as always, from a lord, a seigneur, who held it in turn from the king.  There is no reason to suppose that this was not true of the Acadian emigrés from France.  With whatever freedom they took land in the Port Royal area, or moved to the new lands to the north, on which they settled and farmed, they must still have assumed always that their use of it was, somehow, by way of concession from some individual or institution who, or which, in turn, held it from the crown."109 

And:  "The degrees of reality in the seigneurial forms and procedures, such as they were, were largely restricted to the settled areas of Port Royal and its river, Minas, Beaubassin, and, to some degree perhaps, in the Pisiquid, Cobequid, and Pubnico areas.  These were, of course, the only agricultural settlements.  It is probable that the other seigneurs had been more interested in fish or fur then in agricultural lands in any event."  Clark notes that the Acadian seigneuries were as large as those in Canada but "infinitely less practical."110 

Clark further observes:  "One may conclude that the Acadian seigneurs, such as they were, performed few if any of the traditional seigneurial functions, even in the emasculated form in which these were represented along the St. Lawrence.  There is no record that they built mills, or bake-ovens, for example, or, indeed, did anything but act as landlords whose only role was that of rent-collector.  One the other hand they do appear to have confined their demands largely to cens et rentes, with perhaps occasional lods et ventes (the seigneur's commission on the sale of a roture, in effect, a fine of alienation).  We do not hear of corvée [forced labor], of charges for fishing, for timber cutting, or the use of a common.  One hesitates to be too certain about many of these things because we are so grievously lacking in evidence.  Much of what paper record may have existed from the activities of the notaries of Port Royal, Beaubassin, and Minas has not been found and very likely has been destroyed.  But we do suspect that official correspondence would have contained more hints if the 'system' had been more elaborate or had had deeper impact on the people.  Yet, flimsy and fragmentary as the institution undoubtedly was, it provided the only framework in which the Acadians could indentify the land they held for right of occupation, for devisement to their heirs, or for sale and exchange, and, as such, it may have performed a vital service for the settlers."  The seigneurial system also had another purpose, or at least revealed a significant aspect of Acadian life.  Professor Naomi Griffiths observes:  "... there is no doubt that the existence of the seigneuries implied social divisions within the emerging communities and this greatly influenced the structure of their political life," such as it was.  Pointing to the grants made by Talon on the lower St.-Jean in October 1672, Professor Griffiths concludes:  "These grants signify, among other matters, the reinforcement of French land-ownership customs in Acadia. ... [T]he turmoil of the d'Aulnay-La Tour era, followed by the superficial control of Temple over the settlers, worked against the establishment of a strongly hierarchical seigneurial system.  But it must be remembered that even along the St. Lawrence, as R.C. Harris has shown, the seigneurial system did not mean a 'feudal' society, one dominated by a landowning class, with the lives of the majority of the settlers circumscribed by the privileges of a few.  Throughout the seventeenth century, no French settler argued about the final authority of the king, as the ultimate landlord of all territory governed by France, and thus the need to establish land ownership by grant and to have such a grant recorded.  Yet the existence of vast tracts of land, in the eyes of the Europeans, entirely open for settlement meant a fundamental change in the power of the seigneurs.  In Europe, even in France, land was scarce and people numerous.  In North America, land was plentiful and European subjects scarce.  Almost endless litigation arose as settlers challenged seigneurial control, arguing about what had been granted by whom, when, and on what conditions.  In both Canada and Acadia, the settlers believed in private property and in land ownership regulated by the state.  Until 1710, the seigneurial system remained the legal foundation of land titles for Europeans in Acadia, and even after that date it still held some legal force in the English courts.  Still, ... the founding of settlements at Beaubassin, between 1672 and 1676, and at Minas in the early 1680s took place with a very minimal application of the classic seigneurial obligations, the payment of dues on the one hand and the provision of communal services, such as grist mills and sawmills, on the other."111

The Acadians and Their Royal Governors

The settlers of Acadia had known only turmoil from the arrival of their first families in 1636 to when the English seized the colony 18 years later.  Ironically, English control, which lasted 16 years, brought peace at last to the hard-pressed settlers, and peace continued for 19 more years after the return of Acadia to France.  The "peace," of course, was a relative thing:  there was plenty of conflict, both political and economic; there was just no war, at least not a declared one, between France and England at this time, though a brief war between France and Holland plagued the colony during the mid-1670s.  During these 19 years, half a dozen royal governors presided over French Acadia, two of them serving as colonial commander before promotion to the higher office:   

Grandfontaine's tenure as governor lasted less than three years.  During that time, much of his attention was directed to the question of boundaries between Acadia and New England that had not been addressed by the treaty of 1667.  Grandfontaine proclaimed that the boundary between the French and English colonies lay along the St. George River, between the Kennebec and the Penobscot, "and," his biographer chides, he "flattered himself that by his honest dealings he could win for France the allegiance of the English settlers who were established on his side of the river."  He failed to win the hearts and minds of these English settlers, but he nevertheless maintained good relations with Boston, where his garrisons, like the Acadian settlements, obtained most of their supplies.  He bought a ketch from former Nova Scotia governor Thomas Temple, hired New English carpenters, and, most importantly to the New Englanders, "granted fishing permits to ships from Boston."290c

Grandfontaine devoted his energies during his short term as governor not only to defining and protecting the colony's borders and maintaining good relations with his New English neighbors; along with his superiors in New France, he also sought to improve the lives of the Acadian settlers, the great majority of them still clinging to their dyked lands in the Port-Royal valley.  During the early 1660s, while Acadia was still being held by the English, the young King Louis XIV, ruling without a chief minister, had transformed New France--that is to say, Canada--into more or less a royal colony by creating a vice-regal position, the governor-general.  Augustin de Saffry de Mésy was the first to hold the office at Québec.  In March 1665, the King appointed Jean Talon as royal intendant for New France.  When Grandfontaine came to Acadia in 1670, Mésy had been replaced as governor-general by Daniel de Rémy de Courcelle, who gave way to Louis de Buade, comte de Palluau et de Frontenac, in 1672.  Talon held his position until 1668, was superseded by Claude de Boutroue d'Aubigny in 1668, and returned to the post in 1669, serving for another three years.  Talon "was fortunately interested in Acadia, and there was consequently a serious and concerted effort on both sides [of the Atlantic] to take this colony in hand again and to develop it."  Reflecting the intendant's interest in the colony, Grandfontaine encouraged boat building at Port-Royal, while Talon asked for looms to be sent to the Acadian settlers.  In an attempt to end the chaos of proprietary misrule, including abuse of the settlers by their semi-feudal seigneurs, Grandfontaine "revoked the authority of the seigneur Alexandre Le Borgne de Belle-Isle, whose misdemeanors had caused complaints, and enjoined the settlers to live in peace until a representative of the king could arrive to settle their disputes and lay down statutes for them."  Grandfontaine instructed the habitants to consider Le Borgne de Belle-Isle "as having no more authority than they in the affairs of the colony.  All other claims and counter-claims to the heirs of d'Aulnay and La Tour were referred to France for adjudication."  This weakened the stranglehold of the proprietary-era seigneurs on the colony, but the seigneurial system itself was far from ended in French Acadia; even the traduced Le Borgne de Belle-Isle retained his seigneurial rights at Port-Royal.  One proprietary-era seigneur, however, won Grandfontaine's favor.  He appointed Philippe Mius d'Entremont, seigneur of Pobomcoup and former Charles La Tour associate, as procureur du roi, or King's attorney, in 1670.   According to historian Naomi Griffiths, "This selection, for an important administrative post, of the head of a family that had been in the colony since 1650 and was related, by marriage, to both the La Tours and the Melansons was astute. It established an important link between the new administration and the settlers of Port Royal," not to mention its effect on the retention of seigneurial power in the colony.290

Grandfontaine encouraged the soldiers and indentured servants he had brought to the colony to remain there after their terms of service expired and to find wives among the established settlers.  In 1671, soon after Grandfontaine conducted a census of the colony, the ship L'Oranger arrived from La Rochelle with more settlers for the colony, including women and girls.  Among the passengers were young bachelors who soon would establish families of their own.  Some remained at Port-Royal, while others followed Jacques Bourgeois to a new settlement at Chignecto.  Few, if any, settled at Grandfontaine's headquarters at Pentagouët, where arable land was in short supply and the position was even more exposed to attack than Port-Royal.  In 1672, in fact, "famine raged at Pentagouët," compelling Grandfontaine to send some of his soldiers to winter at Port-Royal.  By the late 1670s, one of the oldest posts in greater Acadia ceased to exist as a settlement of any note.  Pentagouët remained for a time a military outpost/headquarters, but by the late 1670s it was little more than an abandoned post lying five miles from the fortified home of the man who had commanded there under Grandfontaine, Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie, first baron de Saint-Castin, the capitaine de sauvages who married an Abenaki chieftain's daughter.  The Ministry of Marine urged Grandfontaine to establish more permanent fishing stations on the Acadian peninsula, but the governor's other activities gave him no time to get around to it.  Nonetheless, Grandfontaine's biographer reminds us, "It is impossible to determined exactly how many new settlers took up residence in Acadia" during Grandfontaine's governorship, "but it was certainly the greatest number to arrive since the time of Razilly and d'Aulnay," three decades before.290a 

Intendant Talon gave Grandfontaine a task that could not be set aside:  establishing a direct link between Acadia and Canada to enhance the defense of both colonies.  Talon sent two search teams led by Canadian officers down into present-day Maine to find a river-portage from the Atlantic coast up to the St. Lawrence valley.  Grandfontaine was able to spare two Frenchmen and two Indians, probably Abenaki, for the mission.  The Canadians "discovered" the Kennebec-Chaudière portage and sited a settlement at Kidiscuit, but the route up the Kennebec via Rivière Chaudière soon "proved to be too difficult and not very dependable."  Another river-portage farther to the east, just as ancient as the Kennebec-Chaudière route and "already very much used," followed Rivière St.-Jean, which flowed into the lower Bay of Fundy.  From the Canadian end, this long portage ran from Rivière-du-Loup on the lower St. Lawrence via either Lac Témiscouata or Lac Pohénégamook to the upper St.-Jean.  The Acadian end of this route was much closer to Port-Royal than to Pentagouët, another reason why the latter place soon ceased to exist as a major French settlement.  The mouth and lower reach of Rivière St.-Jean, below Jemseg, had been occupied by French fur traders since the days of Gravé du Pont and the La Tours.  The Maliseet capital of Meductic, fortified as a defense against the Iroquois even before the French came to the region, lay on the west bank of the St.-Jean a hundred miles above Jemseg and was an important transportation center for the region.  Just below Meductic, the Eel River, flowing from the west, fell into the St.-Jean.  The lower 12 miles of the Eel, "broken by rapids and falls, was unsuitable for a canoe," a Canadian historian tells us, "and, it was found more practicable to portage from Meductic itself to a point above the rapids, a distance of five miles.  The head of Eel River lay in a south-westerly direction, in a region abounding in lakes, which were connected with one another by portages, and included direct water routes to Passamaquoddy, Machias, and Penobscot.  The latter was separated only by a short portage from the eastern branch of the Kennebec.  In times both of peace and war, there was a constant stream of travel, all of which passed through Meductic."  Here was "a communication with Quebec by way of the upper St. John, with Miramichi and the east coast, with the lower St. John, with Chignecto and the peninsular part of Acadia to far distant Cape Breton."  It was important, then, to establish settlements, not just fortified outposts, along this essential route.  In October 1672, over a three-day period, Talon conferred four seigneurial grants on the lower St.-Jean.  More grants followed later in the decade and into the 1680s--a clear plan by New French authorities "to settle soldiers and families on that river as an aid in establishing an inland route of communication between Quebec and Acadia" and other parts of the francophone realm.290b 

Grandfontaine was recalled to France in May 1673.  His short tenure as royal governor "was constructive," his biographer insists, but he was not without his critics.  The most persistent one was former lieutenant and second in command, Pierre Joybert de Soulanges et de Marson, who traduced the governor to the authorities in France after Grandfontaine had criticized his lieutenant for a botched mission to Boston during the fall of 1670.  Grandfontaine had sent Joybert to Québec to explain his misconduct to Talon, but the lieutenant was not punished for whatever misdeeds he may have committed.  Instead, he returned to Acadia not only with a wife from an influential Canadian family, but also with his new grant on Rivière St.-Jean for "good and praise-worthy" service to the King!  One complaint against Grandfontaine would become a recurrent theme in the evaluation of Acadia's royal governors:  he was accused "self-seeking," of using his position to enhance his personal fortune through illicit commerce or official malfeasance.  In Grandfontaine's case, however, the charges were largely baseless.  After his replacement arrived at Pentagouët that autumn, Grandfontaine returned to France, arriving there in December.  He promptly confronted the intendant of Rochefort, Colbert de Terron, who also had been one of his critics, and demanded reimbursement of 13,000 livres for expenses incurred in Acadia.  Colbert de Terron knew full well that Grandfontaine had received funds from the navy at Rochefort for only two of his three years as governor, but the intendant, after accusing the former governor of "being self-seeking," refused to sanction the compensation, and recommended, instead, that Grandfontaine be awarded a post in the navy instead.  Grandfontaine acquiesced in the offer and became a lieutenant commander at Roquefort before becoming a ship's captain.  He fought in the Caribbean region against the Dutch later in the decade, was wounded in the arm at Cayenne in South America, and broke an arm at Tobago, leaving him a cripple.  He retired to Brest on an annual pension of 800 livres, was named a chevalier of the Order of St.-Louis in 1693, and died at Brest in July 1696, in his late 60s, having never married.290d

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Grandfontaine's successor, Jacques de Chambly, scion of an ancient but impoverished noble family, had served as a regimental commander in Hungary before he came to North America in June 1665, and as a captain in the Carignan-Salières Regiment.  Alongside Grandfontaine and Joybert, he had fought the Iroquois in today's upstate New York.  He also served in the garrison at Fort St.-Louis, which stood below the rapids of the Iroquois, later the Chambly and now the Richelieu, River, which flows northward into the upper St. Lawrence between Trois-Rivières and Montréal.  Fort St.-Louis, at first an unprepossessing wooden structure later rebuilt in stone, protected the approach from Lake Champlain to Montréal.  The King was so impressed with Chambly's service in the province that he awarded him a gratuity of 400 écus.  When his regiment was disbanded in 1668, Chambly, like Grandfontaine, returned to France.  In 1670, Chambly returned to Canada as a captain of troupes de la marine and took up his post again at Fort St.-Louis.  In 1672, he was granted a seigneurie near the fort, renamed Fort Chambly, and set up an agricultural establishment at today's Chambly, Québec.  Soon after Chambly received his seigneurie, Governor-General Frontenac named him commandant of the vast area south of the St. Lawrence from Montréal down to Rivière-du-Loup.  Chambly was appointed royal governor of Acadia in May 1673.  That autumn, he sailed aboard the Saint-Jean from Québec to Pentagouët, where he relieved his old regimental colleague.291 

Chambly's tenure as royal governor was brief and troubled.  In 1672, during Grandfontaine's governorship, war broke out in Europe between France and Holland, called by the French La Guerre de Hollande but known to most historians as the Franco-Dutch War.  In the summer of 1674, a force of Dutchmen, accompanied by a New Englishman, attacked Pentagouët and captured it after only a few hours of fighting.  The Dutch, in fact, had also been at war with England since 1672 in what historians call the Third Anglo-Dutch War.  Jurriaen Aernoutsz, a Dutch privateer out of Curaçao in the Dutch West Indies, was sent by his governor with the frigate Flying Horse to attack English and French ships and settlements in the North Atlantic.  In the spring of 1674, Aernoutsz descended on New York, formerly the Dutch settlement of New Amsterdam, where he learned that the war with England had been settled by the Treaty of Westminster, signed in February, but that Holland was still at war with France.  Encouraged by "Massachusetts adventurer" John Rhoades, who volunteered to serve as pilot and even took an oath of allegiance to the Dutch, Aernoutsz and his 50 Dutchmen, in the Flying Horse, which carried eight cannon, fell on Pentagouët on August 10 and quickly overwhelmed the smaller French force commanded by Governor Chambly.  After a brief engagement, the Dutchmen captured the severely wounded Chambly and his ensign, Saint-Castin.  After destroying the fort at Pentagouët, Aernoutz and his men then moved on to Fort Jemseg on Rivière St.-Jean, where they nabbed Chambly's lieutenant, Major Pierre de Joybert, whose force consisted of only nine troupes de la marine, before plundering the settlements on the lower St.-Jean.  Aernoutsz and Rhoades remained a month in Acadia, which the Dutchman renamed "New Holland," before sailing on to Boston.  Evidently during the sojourn in Acadia, Saint-Castin, after being tortured by his captors, escaped with a letter surreptitiously written by Chambly and carried the news of the Acadian disaster to Québec.  At Boston, Aernoutsz disposed of his plunder, selling to the Massachusetts government the ordnance he had seized at Pentagouët.  Leaving his remaining prisoners, along with Rhoades and some of his men, in the care of the Yankees, Aernoutsz returned to Curaçao in October.  The Massachusetts authorities sent Rhoades and some of Aernoutsz's men to occupy Acadia, but the privateers promptly seized New English vessels who attempted to renew trade with the Indians and French settlers.  Massachusetts Governor John Leverett would have none of that.  He sent a force from Boston to seize Rhoades and the errant Dutchmen, who made the mistake of  resisting Leverett's force.  Overwhelmed in a naval engagement in the Bay of Fundy, Rhoades and the Dutchmen were hauled back to Boston, where they were convicted of piracy.  Leverett pardoned the Dutchmen but ordered Rhoades to be hanged.  Luckily for the New Englishman, his execution was delayed by the outbreak of King Philip's War in 1675.  Governor Leverett had more important fish to fry; in October, he ordered Rhoades's release after the New Englishman promised never to return to Massachusetts.291a  

Meanwhile, Chambly, with Joybert, languished at Boston.  Governor-General Frontenac, and later Colbert in France, believed from what Saint-Castin told them and from Chambly's letter that the Massachusetts authorities had not given sanction to the Dutchman's attack despite the presence of New Englishmen in Aernoutsz's party.  Although Chambly's letter insisted that "he had been attacked by 'Buccaneers coming from Santo Domingo via Boston," Frontenac could see that the raid had been hatched in New York, not Boston, and that Rhoades and his henchmen had been motivated by greed, not by politics.  Frontenac, however, "was of the opinion that, unofficially, the authorities in Boston had done little to hinder the raid and much to encourage it."  He agreed to the ransom of a thousand beaver skins for Chambly and Joybert, but they were not released from confinement in Boston until sometime in 1675.  Instead of returning to Acadia, Chambly sailed to France.  In May 1676, despite Colbert's disapproval of his actions in Acadia, Chambly again was named royal governor of Acadia, but he went to the French Antilles instead, where he was appointed military commander in September 1677 and governor of Granada in April 1679.  Chambly, in fact, never returned to Acadia and died at Martinique while serving as governor there in 1687.  As a result of Chambly's refusal to return to North America, Acadia was without a royal governor from August 1674 to 1677.291b 

One wonders what the inhabitants at Port-Royal and Chignecto thought of this entire business, especially of the absence of a distant governor who had spent little, if any, time among them.  The absence of royal governance did not slow immigration into the colony, as a list of new settlers during that period would attest.  If anything, it only hardened the typical "Acadian's" frontier resolve to rely on himself, his family, and his neighbors, not on some arrogant, disinterested official who represented a monarch living an ocean away.291c

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Chambly's successor in Acadia was another former officer of the Carignan-Salières Regiment.  Pierre de Joybert de Soulanges et de Marson, a native of Champagne, had come to Canada with the regiment in 1665 as a lieutenant in Grandfontaine's company and returned with him to France in 1667 to fight in the Spanish Netherlands.  Still tying his star to his former captain, Joybert came to Acadia with Grandfontaine in 1670 and served as the royal governor's second in command, this time as a captain on a larger stage.  Joybert soon became his former captain's most severe critic.  Ordered to Québec to explain his conduct to Intendant Talon, Joybert married Marie-Françoise, daughter of New French attorney-general Louis-Théandre Chartier de Lotbinière, in 1672.  In October, "in recognition of his 'good and praise-worthy service to the King, both in Old and New France,'" Joybert received a large seigneurial grant on the east bank of Rivière St.-Jean measuring a league in depth and four leagues up from the river's mouth--a clear vindication of his conduct and a repudiation of his political enemy, Grandfontaine.  With the grant came promotion to major des troupes in Acadia and command of Fort Jemseg and the lower St.-Jean.  Joybert remained the chief lieutenant of Grandfontaine's successor, Jacques de Chambly.  In August 1674, Joybert was captured by Dutch privateers at his post at Jemseg and, with the governor, was held to ransom at Boston.  After learning of the raid in September, Frontenac sent canoes down the Rivière-du-Loup-St.-Jean portage to retrieve Mme. Joybert and her infant daughter from the ruins of Fort Jemseg, but not until late 1675 was the governor-general able to ransom Joybert and Chambly with the thousand beaver pelts the Yankees demanded.292 

Unlike Chambly, who returned to France after his release from Boston, Joybert returned to Acadia via Québec, where Frontenac re-appointed him commander on Rivière St.-Jean, now the principal route of communication between Canada and Acadia.  In October 1676, as a reward for his service in Acadia and probably as an attempt to keep him there, Frontenac and Talon's successor, Jacques Duchesneau de la Doussinière et d'Ambault, granted Joybert another fief on Rivière St.-Jean, this one above Jemseg at Nashouat.  Days later, the King renewed Joybert's grant at Jemseg, which Joybert had rebuilt with his own funds.  Joybert now held three concessions on Rivière St.-Jean, comprising "more than 100 square miles."  In 1677, when it was clear that Chambly would not return to Acadia, the King appointed Joybert governor of Acadia.  Spurning the destroyed post at Pentagouët, he established the colonial headquarters at Jemseg, where he died in July 1678, in his late 30s, survived by his wife and three young children.  In March 1691, the Widow Joybert secured the rights to yet another seigneurie, this one across the river from Jemseg, where she oversaw her family's fur-trading interests when she was not living on a pension at Québec.292a

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In June 1675, while Chambly and Joybert languished in a Boston prison, open warfare broke out in New England between the Puritans and a native coalition led by Metacom--King Philip to the English--head of the Wampanoag Confederacy.  What began as a dispute over land claims and frustration over loss of population to European diseases erupted into one the most destructive wars in New English history.  The conflict began in Plymouth colony but soon spread into neighboring Massachusetts, as far west as the Connecticut River valley, and into Rhode Island to the south.  The New Englanders created a confederation of their own, including Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, New Haven, and Connecticut colonies, and eventually the dissenters of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations--all of New England.  The Wampanoag coalition included the Podunk, Nipmunk, Narragansett, and other allied nations.  The New Englanders could expect little or no help from the other English colonies scattered along the seaboard:  New York was still recuperating from the war with Holland, Indian raids plagued the Chesapeake region, and Bacon's Rebellion erupted in Virginia during the summer of 1676.  King Charles II, who had no love for Puritans, only reluctantly sent aid to New England, forcing them largely to fend for themselves.  Despite the New English alliance with the Pequot, Mohegan, and the so-called Praying Indians, and help from the Mohawks of upper New York, the conflict quickly evolved into a war of racial extermination.  Captain Benjamin Church of Plymouth was given credit for trapping and killing Metacom in the Assowamset Swamp in present-day Rhode Island in August 1676.  The Indian leader's body was decapitated, drawn and quartered, and his head displayed at Plymouth for 20 years.  The war--a resounding victory for the New English confederation--ended in 1677.  Dozens of New English settlements lay in ruin.  Hundreds of New Englanders and thousands of natives forfeited their lives, most of them dying not from battle wounds but from starvation and disease.  Hundreds of natives were tried and executed, dozens more, including Metacom's son, enslaved and sold in Bermuda.  Entire nations, including the Wampanoag, Narragansett, Nipmunk, and Podunk, were no more.292b 

Meanwhile, in September 1675, the war in Massachusetts spread into Maine when the Abenaki joined the fight against the settlers there.  This part of the conflict, which led to the destruction of many Maine settlements, ended finally in 1678 and resulted in the death of 260 Maine settlers out of a population of 3,500--a higher percentage of colonial loss than in the rest of New England.  The war with the Abenaki temporarily halted New English expansion up the coast of Maine.  During the negotiations that ended the conflict, the sachems of Kennebec warned the New Englanders that they, the Abenaki, not the English or even the French, were the owners of this "wide" country, and they warned the New English that they were entirely capable of driving them away.  To complicate matters, in 1677, New Yorkers took advantage of New English weakness by establishing a presence at Pemaquid, between the mouth of the Kennebec and Penobscot Bay and near the heart of Abenaki territory.  A council meeting at Manhattan in September 1677 that addressed the new Maine venture promulgated a hard policy towards the Indians there, which could only antagonize the Abenaki.  It was in response to the colonists' victory in King Philip's War and aggressiveness on the part of the New Yorkers that the Abenaki and their Algonquin cousins, the Penobscot, the Maliseet, the Passamaquoddy, and the Mi'kmaq, formed the Wabanaki Confederacy.292c 

New English paranoia over native intentions "fundamentally changed the relationship between Acadia and New England by encouraging the belief in Massachusetts and Maine that the French-speaking and Catholic settlers of Acadia were the covert allies of the Amerindians," Professor Griffiths reminds us. Boston officials looked askance as a French army officer, Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin, married the daughter of an Abenaki chief and ensconced himself and his Indian relatives near Pentagouët in territory claimed by New England.  Though the Indians of French Acadia did not join their cousins in King Philip's War, "a number of Mi'kmaq in the Cap Sable area had been captured by slavers from Massachusetts and sold in the Mediterranean, which led to Mi'kmaq reprisals against Massachusetts fishing vessels the following year."  Professor Griffiths maintains that "This raid and reprisal were small matters in comparison to the bloodshed of the more southerly conflicts," but, she points out, "In terms of their relationship between Acadia and Massachusetts ... they marked the beginning of a significant change.  Over the next ten years, the relationship between the two colonies become increasingly tense.  The obviously amicable connection between Mi'kmaq and Acadian, the Acadian role as middlemen in the fur trade between Massachusetts and the Mi'kmaq, and Acadian attempts to control both offshore fishing rights and the coal fields and gypsum deposits of Cape Breton led to growing exasperation in Boston with the Acadian communities.  What had been a porous border on the northeastern approaches of New England was now becoming a much more impermeable frontier.  This was due in part to the existence of an official French presence, however weak, and in part to the growth of Acadian settlements, however slow."292d

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In French Acadia, the dead Joybert's successor, Michel Le Neuf de la Vallière et de Beaubassin, served from 1678 until 1683 as colonial commander before his appointment as royal governor.  Born at Trois-Rivière in 1640--his father was the governor of that community at the time of Michel's birth--La Vallière had been educated in France before returning to Canada to seek his fortune.  He married twice, first to Marie, only daughter of Acadian pioneer Nicolas Denys and Marguerite de Lafitte, in c1666.  She gave him eight children, including four daughters who married onto the Le Gardeur de Saint-Pierre, Le Bassier de Villieu, de Gannes de Falaise, and Aubert de La Chesnay de Forillon families.  Three of their four sons--Alexandre de Beaubassin, Jacques de La Poterie, and Jean-Baptiste de Canceau--never married but became officers in the King's service; Alexandre's service was so distinguished, in fact, that he became a chevalier of the Order of St.-Louis.  Michel's fourth son Michel de La Vallière, fils, who also became an officer and a chevalier de St.-Louis, married Renée, daughter of militia colonel François Bertrand and Jeanne Giraudet of Plaisance, Newfoundland, in February 1710; as father of 15 children, including three sons who created  families of their own, Michel, fils carried on the Le Neuf family line.  Michel, pere's second wife was his first wife's niece:  Françoise, daughter of Simon Denys de La Trinité and Françoise Dutertre.  Like his younger brother Nicolas, Simon Denys had lived in Acadia from the time of Razilly and d'Aulnay.  Michel, père and Françoise married in c1683, about the time that he became Acadia's royal governor; she gave him no more children.293a 

Governor-General Frontenac had supported La Vallière's appointment as governor from the beginning, but political rivals on both sides of the Atlantic delayed the appointment for five long years.  Like Joybert, La Vallière was allowed, at first, to choose his seigneurie as the colony's new headquarters.  Unlike Grandfontaine and Chambly, who had no experience in the colony before becoming royal governor, La Vallière the Canadian was, in a sense, an Acadian himself, though he likely would not have considered himself one.  He had served with his father-in-law, Nicolas Denys, on Cape Breton Island during the 1660s, while the English controlled the rest of Acadia.  From the late 1660s to the mid-1670s, La Vallière and his family resided at his father-in-law's various posts along the Gulf of St. Lawrence, including Nepisiguit and Miscou, and Michel engaged there in fishing, agriculture, and the fur trade.  In 1670, he was back in Canada, where he was part of an expedition against the Iroquois, so he had military as well as commercial experience when he was appointed colonial commander.  In 1671, he returned to French-controlled Acadia to help his brother-in-law, Richard Denys de Fronsac, to look after his father-in-law's interests in the region. The following year, during the governorship of Grandfontaine, La Vallière sought to supplement his fishing interests by setting up a fur trading venture at Chignecto, about the time that settlers from Port-Royal, led by surgeon turned fur trader Jacques Bourgeois, moved up the Bay of Fundy to the salt marshes at the mouth of Rivière Missaguash.  In May 1676, during the war with the Dutch, Frontenac commissioned La Vallière and Richard Denys to cruise the Acadian coasts for enemy prizes.  On Cape Breton Island, La Vallière seized three New English ketches taking on coal; though France was not officially at war with England, French officials declared two of the vessels lawful prizes.  In October of that year, in answer to La Vallière's petition and probably as a reward for his services against the Dutch, Frontenac and Duchesneau granted La Vallière a large seigneurie that extended along the south shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence from present-day Shediac southeast to Pugwash, including Baie-Verte and Cape Tourmentine, and inland from Rivière Memramcook southeast to present-day Springhill, Nova Scotia.  The grant included the Chignecto isthmus from the Cumberland Basin up to Baie-Verte.  At its center was Rivière Missaguash, where a portage ran between the basin and Baie-Verte, connecting the Bay of Fundy with the Gulf of St. Lawrence--one of the most important transportation links in the entire region.  Determined to develop his Chignecto holdings, La Vallière brought his family to an "island" overlooking the Missaguash and named the surrounding area Beaubassin.293 

When Frontenac recommended La Vallière for promotion to royal governor of Acadia, he described the first native Canadian to serve in that office as a "'nobleman who has all the qualities of mind and heart necessary to acquit himself well in such as post.'"  Intendant Duchesneau was not so impressed with the Canadian; his opposition to Frontenac's support of La Vallière's governorship added fuel to a growing political rivalry that threatened all of New France.  After finally receiving permission to appoint him governor in 1683, Frontenac ordered La Vallière to move the colony's headquarters back to Port-Royal, where he was no more popular among the settlers than in the rest of the colony.  Perhaps it was not the new governor's fault.  Professor Griffiths reminds us that the delay in confirming La Vallière's governorship "was of no help ... in his attempts to bring together the colony under a single administrative control, to cope with the incursions of Massachusetts fishing vessels in waters claimed by France, and to impose some sort of seigneurial system in Beaubassin and the settlements which developed in the Minas Basin after 1680."  Frontenac was always ready to defend the Canadian, taking every opportunity to praise the seigneur's efforts in commanding an intractable people.  In a November 1679 letter written while La Vallière was still Acadian commander, the governor-general informed King Louis XIV that "'M. de la Vallière ... has told me that he has been to Port Royal, where the inhabitants have shown little care for receiving his order, whether because they have been accustomed to be without a commander, or because of the divisions among them, or whether, indeed, from some tendency towards Englishness and parliaments, which has been brought (as) the result of the visiting and trade with Boston.'"  Frontenac became convinced that La Vallière had overawed the colonists by imposing on them a new oath of fidelity to Louis XIV and ordering public celebrations of the King's victories in the war against the Dutch, when, in fact, La Vallière looked the other way when his fellow Acadians indulged in illicit trade with Boston.  In 1684, La Vallière returned to Beaubassin, taking the colonial headquarter with him--a sign, perhaps, that he was not as effective in guiding the colony as his mentor had insisted, or that he preferred to place himself as far as he could from the illicit dealings with the Yankees.293e 

La Vallière's relationship with the settlers did not improve.  According to Professor Griffiths, "La Vallière made little attempt to establish cordial relationships with the established settlers of the colony," especially the ones who dwelled on his seigneurie at Chignecto.  In 1682, while he was still colonial commander, he brought before the Conseil Souverain, or Superior Council, at Québec a suit against many of the inhabitants of Beaubassin who refused to accept seigneurial contracts he imposed on them.  Professor Griffiths points out that "None of the settlers whom La Vallière had brought from Canada was party to this suit, which seems to have been the result of an attempt by La Vallière to extend his authority over the whole of the isthmus, in spite of the possible existence of orders against this."293f

The colonial commander nevertheless was obligated to look to the welfare of the colony's habitants.  In late 1678 or early 1679, La Vallière, or a designee, conducted a census at Port-Royal.  Unlike Father Molin's counting of 1671, however, the census taker this time gave only the names of family heads and their spouses.  Most of the families who had been counted in 1671 were still living along the basin, and some had moved on to other settlements, including the new one at Chignecto.  Most interestingly, a few new family names appeared in this latest counting, hinting that the Acadian population continued to grow not only by natural increase but also by immigration.45a  

La Vallière's severest critic was not a lowly habitant but was a fisherman of sorts, whose persistent complaints did more than anything to bring the governor down.  Clerbaud Bergier was a Huguenot merchant from La Rochelle with "more than twenty years' experience in trading ventures linking New England and the Caribbean."  In 1682, while La Vallière was still colonial commander, Bergier was appointed director of an influential fishing company headquartered at Chédabouctou on the Atlantic coast.  During the 1650s, when the English controlled Acadia, and even after the English returned the colony in 1670, the French had shifted their fishery center from Canso and the Atlantic coast to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, particularly the Baie des Chaleurs, Percé on the Gaspé peninsula, and Plaisance, on the western shore of Newfoundland.  New English vessels promptly took up the slack along the peninsula's Atlantic coast.  Seeing this, in 1680, Bergier had obtained permission from Nicolas Denys, then at Paris, to visit his concessions in Acadia, where he and his associates, also Protestants, hoped to build a fishery of their own and overawe the New Englanders.  Protests from influential Roman Catholic clergy poured into the ministry.  They complained that the "project would be contrary to the interests of the state and the religion and to the intentions of the king in founding the colony."  This compelled Bergier and his fellow Huguenots to take on as partners "Gabriel Gautier, Boucher, and de Mantes, of Paris," all proper Catholics.  Bergier's most influential associate, however, was Charles-François Duret de Chevry, marquis de Villeneuve, a Roman Catholic.  The marquis agreed to "sponsor" the Compagnie des Pêches Sédentaires de l'Acadie, chartered by the King in February 1682.  The grant included not only the Atlantic coast of Acadia but also Rivière St.-Jean "as a suitable area for fishery and trade."  Bergier chose Chédabouctou, west of Canso, as the company's center of operations.  After establishing 18 men and a woman there in May, he returned to Paris to report his findings and was back in Acadia in 1683, the year La Vallière was appointed governor.  Bergier was tireless not only in resurrecting the Acadian fishery out of Canso, but also in establishing an agricultural base for it at nearby Chédabouctou.  He even lured farmers from the Port-Royal basin to his Atlantic-shore settlements.  The Compagnie de l'Acadie, as it was called, with its backing by powerful merchants in Bordeaux and La Rochelle, became so successful that, later in the decade, as many as "150 residents, including 80 fishermen," were reported at Chédabouctou and Canso; only Port-Royal boasted a larger population in the colony at the time.  This success came later, however.  Soon after he re-established the Atlantic coast fishery, which processed not only fish but also seal skins, Bergier sent out half a dozen small boats into the Atlantic, which were promptly destroyed by New English fishermen!  Bergier complained to his superiors that La Vallière was issuing too many fishing licenses to ships out of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, even New York; this, the Company manager insisted, threatened the security of the colony as well as the Company's bottom line.  Bergier also was troubled by the ease with which New English merchants traded with Acadian settlements and sought permission to use force to end that trade.  La Vallière, on the other hand, was determined to maintain good relations with the new Massachusetts governor, Simon Bradstreet, and considered it within his power as governor to regulate the fishing fleets in Acadian waters, be they English or French.  With Frontenac's approval, La Vallière, like his predecessor, Grandfontaine, accommodated the New Englanders with liberally-issued fishing permits.  French retaliation against the New English fishermen could only hurt the colony.  Bergier pushed his complaints to the marquis and the minister, especially in regard to the illicit trade with New England.  In the ensuing conflict, La Vallière was not without powerful allies of his own.  Frontenac, unfortunately for him, was gone from the scene after the autumn of 1682, but Jacques de Meulles, sieur de La Source, who had succeeded Duchesneau as intendant that same year, had not liked it one bit that the Compagnie de l'Acadie was created without consulting him and that a Huguenot had been placed at the head of the Company in Acadia.  De Meulles ordered La Vallière, as commander in the colony, "to prevent Bergier from establishing his fishery without express permission."  Frontenac's successor as governor-general of New France, Joseph-Antoine Le Febvre de la Barre, also complained to the minister about Bergier, who he said had twice declared bankruptcy and failed to inform Québec of his activities.  Le Febvre de La Barre warned the minister that allowing a member of the "reformed" religion to "'build an establishment so close to the English of New England, who are also of the religion that is called reformed" would be harmful to Acadia.  The vicar general of the Church in Canada, as well as Bishop Laval at Québec, also registered complaints with minister and King about the ill effects of allowing "heretics" to operate in New France.  Inevitably, such a conflict between so many shakers and movers caught the rapt attention of Paris and Versailles.  In the end, Frontenac's removal did prove fatal to La Vallière's governorship.  By 1684, the King had taken sides in the unseemly dispute; he, too, looked to the bottom line, to the importance of the Acadian fishery in the French economy.  On 10 April 1684, the King removed La Vallière as commander, King's lieutenant, and governor in Acadia.  On the same day, Bergier was named the King's lieutenant in the colony and was tasked with "governing" Acadia until La Vallière's successor as governor reached Port-Royal.  With his enhanced powers, Bergier promptly turned on the New English fishermen plying their trade off the Acadian coasts, and a virtual war broke out between him and these fishermen.  To complicate matters, La Vallière's oldest son, Alexandre de Beaubassin, doubtlessly encouraged by his father, joined the fray by attacking Bergier's base at Chédabouctou.  Bergier was absent at the time of the attack, but the young Beaubassin, only 18 years old, captured and held Bergier Deshormeaux, the Huguenot's son, and absconded with furs "that allegedly belonged to the Compagnie de l'Acadie."  By the end of the year, and less than year from the King's revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Bergier was stripped of his lieutenancy and replaced by Charles Duret de Chevry de La Boulaye, a kinsman of the Marquis de Villeneuve.293b  

La Vallière remained at Beaubassin after his tenure as governor, assisting Intendant de Meulles in 1685-86 by providing him not only with shelter over the winter, but also a sailboat to send him on to Port-Royal.  De Meulles used the Chignecto seigneur as his chief source of information on the colony.  Later in 1686, the new governor-general, Jacques-René de Brisbay, marquis de Denonville, who had replaced Le Febvre de La Barre in 1685, ordered La Vallière to go to France "to report on the situation in Acadia."  Denonville, like Frontenac, tended to favor the Chignecto seigneur over his political enemies.293c 

Back from France in 1687, La Vallière handed over his Chignecto seigneurie to son-in-law Claude-Sébastien de Villieu and returned to Canada, where, despite being in his late 40s, he began a new career as a military officer.  He returned to Acadia briefly in 1689 as King's lieutenant and then returned to Québec, where he served under his old benefactor, Frontenac, restored to the governor-generalship in time for the outbreak of war with England.  It was La Vallière who arranged the prisoner exchange below Île d'Orléans after Frontenac defeated Phips at Québec in the fall of 1690.  The following year, La Vallière was promoted to captain.  Four years later, he was assigned to command the frontier post on the upper St. Lawrence at Catararcoui, which its founder, the late Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle, had dubbed Fort Frontenac during the governor-general's first tenure in office.  La Vallière and his 48 men were tasked with reaching an accord with the nearby Iroquois.  Back at Québec in the late spring of 1696, La Vallière joined two of his sons, Alexandre and Jacques, and another Canadian officer, with a crew of 150, on a foray to the Acadian coast aboard the ship Bouffone to prey on English shipping.  Their vessel being out of position, they were unable to prevent New English Colonel Benjamin Church from falling on Chignecto in September.  In May 1699, the war with England over, the King appointed La Vallière town major of Montréal.  That autumn, Frontenac's replacement, Louis-Hector de Callière, perhaps informed of La Vallière's good relations with former Massachusetts Governor Bradstreet, sent the major to Boston to set up a prisoner repatriation and to discuss Indian relations with the new Massachusetts governor, Richard Coote, first Earl of Bellomont.  Back in Canada, word got around that La Vallière, because of his military service, "was in bad financial straits."  The King awarded him a gratuity of 500 livres in 1702 and permission to set up a porpoise fishery in Acadia, but the scheme never came to fruition.  In the autumn of 1704, now in his sixty-fourth year, La Vallière was appointed by Governor-General Philippe Rigaud de Vaudreuil and Intendant François de Beauharnois de la Chaussaye, Baron de Beauville, not only to deliver official dispatches to the Minister of Marine, but also to inform the court of conditions in Canada.  Another war had broken out with England and its allies two years before, so the mission was as hazardous as it was important.  In France, La Vallière took the opportunity to secure his grant in the Chignecto region, which, since the late 1690s, had been threatened by new settlers from Port-Royal who were seeking to put even more distance between themselves and the authorities in the colonial capital.  La Vallière and his son-in-law, de Villieu, insisted, that the new establishments at Chepoudy, Petitcoudiac, and Memramcook--the so-called trois-rivières--were encroachments on the family's seigneurial grant.  At court and in Paris, La Vallière was entirely successful in his efforts to maintain his seigneurial hold on the area.  Unfortunately for the old campaigner, he was unable to enjoy his victory.  He died in July 1705, age 65, on the crossing back to Canada.  Ironically, none of his four sons remained at Chignecto to complete their father's efforts there.293d

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Within a decade after the founding of the Chignecto settlement, during La Vallière's tenure as governor, the Acadians swarmed again, this time to a fertile basin half way between Port-Royal and Beaubassin.  The Bassin des Mines, or Minas Basin, 60 miles northeast of Port-Royal and 50 miles south of Beaubassin, took its name from the copper deposits at Cap d'Or, at the northern entrance to the basin, noted by Champlain and other early explorers.  Pierre Melanson, the elder son of a French Huguenot who had come to Acadia with the English, married a daughter of Philippe Mius d'Entremont and became one of the most prosperous settlers at Port-Royal.  In c1680, Pierre sold his property there and moved his large family to Grand-Pré, which lay between two small rivers flowing into the basin, the St.-Antoine, later called Rivière-des-Habitants and now the Cornwallis, to the north, and the Gaspereau to the south.  Two years later, Pierre, the 26-year-old son of Jean Thériot, started another settlement, on Rivière St.-Antoine, not far from Pierre Melanson's homestead.  "Being a popular and generous man," one historian attests, Thériot "supplied wheat without interest and housed many while their homes were being built."  Thériot had married a daughter of René Landry le jeune in c1678.  They were not blessed with children, but Pierre's nephews Germain, Jean, Claude, and Joseph, sons of his older brother Claude, followed their uncle to Minas and spawned a huge extended family.  Soon the Melansons and Thériots were joined by other pioneers and their families from Port-Royal who settled along the many streams that flowed into the basin, including Rivière-aux-Canards, north of the St.-Antoine.  Antoine, Claude, and René, fils, sons of René Landry l'aîné; Jacques, René, André, and Antoine, four of the five sons of Daniel LeBlanc; Étienne and Michel, sons of Étienne Hébert; their cousin Jean, son of Antoine Hébert; and Claude, son of Michel Boudrot, filled the basin with their progeny in the decades that followed, as did other colonists from Port-Royal and Chignecto, and new arrivals from France.  Two church parishes arose in the lower part of the basin:  St.-Charles at Grand-Pré, whose church was built by 1687, and St.-Joseph farther north on Rivière-aux-Canards.  Other settlers at Minas bore the names Allain, Aucoin, Babin, Bellemère, Bélisle, Benoit, Bergeron, Bertrand, Blanchard, Boucher, Bourg, Brasseur, Breau, Brun, Bugeaud, Clouâtre, ComeauDaigre, Darois, David, Doucet, Dugas, Dumont, Duon, Dupuis, Flan, Gautrot, Girouard, Granger, Henry, Labauve, Lalande, Lebert, Longuépée, Mazerolle, Mouton, Part, Pinet, Pitre, Précieux, Renaud, Richard, Robichaud, Saulnier, Semer, Surette, Thibodeau, and Trahan.92

As the number of new settlers at Minas attests, the place became an agricultural marvel.  "This area, which was to assume demographic and economic leadership among the three Acadian farming regions in the eighteenth century, was the last of the three major Acadian centers to get started," historian Andrew Hill Clark reminds us.  "But its fine marshlands, the weakness of its nominal seigneurial control [claimed by the Le Borgnes], and, perhaps above all, its relative freedom from the attention of both New England raiders and French officials, allowed it to expand rapidly.  From only 57 people in the Grand Pré area in 1686 the population soared to more than 580 in 1707."  Clark goes on:  "There is no doubt that agriculture flourished in Minas beyond any experience at Port Royal or Beaubassin.  It was the better balanced than the latter; not neglecting livestock, in which Beaubassin rather specialized, it developed the best and most extensive arable farming in Acadia."  Another plus for the settlements at Minas was easy access to the basin from the Bay of Fundy, allowing the Acadians there to enjoy their essential trade with merchants from New England.93

Beginning around 1685, settlers from Minas and Port-Royal moved a few miles southeast of Grand-Pré into the upper stretches of Rivière Pigiguit, today's Avon River, just above its confluence with the smaller Rivière St.-Croix.  They settled on both sides of the larger river around present-day Falmouth and Windsor, Nova Scotia.  The Acadians called the settlement Pigiguit, Mi'kmaq for "junction of the waters."  The first church parish there, Ste.-Famille, was founded in August 1698 and lay on the west side of the river.  A second parish, dedicated to Notre-Dame-de l'Assomption and usually called L'Assomption, was founded in June 1722 for inhabitants living on the east side of Rivière Pigiguit, whose wide tidal flats made it difficult to cross to the west bank.  About the time of the founding of Ste.-Famille parish, the vicar general of Acadia, Father Louis-Pierre Thury, founded a Mi'kmaq mission at Pigiguit.  Settlers there bore the names Arsement, Babin, Barillot, Benoit, Boudrot, Boutin, Brasseur, Breau, Broussard, Bugeaud, Chauvet dit La Gerne, Comeau, Corporon, Daigre, Doiron, Forest, Gaudet, Gautrot, Girouard, Guédry, Hébert, Landry, LeBlanc, Lejeune, Martin, Michel, Mire, Prince, Richard, Rivet, Roy, Savary, Thibodeau, Trahan, and Vincent.94 

While Acadians on the peninsula were establishing settlements at the head of the Bay of Fundy and in the Minas Basin, another, much smaller Acadian community, at least in population, arose along Rivière St.-Jean, or, rather, came into its own there.  This was an area once controlled by Robert Gravé du Pont, Charles La Tour, and Charles de Menou d'Aulnay, and for a time was the center of the fur trade in greater Acadia.  During the 1670s, control of the lower stretches of the river was shared by one of La Tour's sons-in-law, Martin d'Aprendestiguy, and by Acadian royal governor Pierre de Joybert de Soulanges et de Marson.  Marson's widow maintained her husband's seigneuries above and below Jemseg until she lost her rights in the early 1700s for "non-fulfillment of conditions."  During the 1680s, more grants were made above Jemseg to sons of Canadian shaker and mover Mathieu d'Amours, sieur de Matane.  During the late 1600s, agricultural settlements finally appeared on the river above Jemseg at Ste.-Anne-du-Pays-Bas, now Fredericton; Ekoupag, now Maugerville; and at Nashouat, also called Nashwaak, where Acadian commander Villebon's Fort St.-Joseph stood.  The La Tours were still there, in the third generation, as were the descendants of Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin and his métis son, Bernard-Anselme, who once held sway at Pentagouët.  Joining the La Tours and the Saint-Castins, some with seigneuries of their own, were families that bore the names Le Borgne de Bélisle, Bergeron dit d'Amboise, D'Amour de Louvière, Dugas, Godin dit Beauséjour, dit Bellefeuille, dit Bellefontaine, dit Boisjoli, dit Châtillon dit Préville, dit Lincour, and dit Valcour, Henry, Part, and Roy.  The church on the upper St.-Jean, located at Meductic, was dedicated to Ste.-Anne.97 

Another Acadian community that had sprung up during the early 1600s also came into its own later in the century.  Cap-Sable, at the southwestern tip of the peninsula, was long controlled by the La Tours.  The most populated settlement near the cape was Pobomcoup, now Pubnico, Nova Scotia, north of the cape.  Philippe Mius, sieur d'Entremont of Cherbourg, childhood friend of Charles La Tour, had received the seigneurie of Pobomcoup from the governor in July 1653.   Half a century later, his family was still there, in the third generation, and still in possession of their ancestor's seigneurial rights.  The d'Entremonts had coaxed a few families from France and Port-Royal to settle on their lands at the cape, where they engaged in limited agriculture and extensive fishing.  The largest family at Pobomcoup were the Amireaus.  Families there and at Cap-Sable also bore the names Landry, Moulaison, Pitre, and Viger.  Despite its relatively small population, two church parishes arose in the Pobomcoup/Cap-Sable area:  Ste.-Anne at Cheboque, northwest of Pobomcoup, and Notre-Dame at Pobomcoup, said to have been built by Abbé Jean-Louis Le Loutre on a hill near present-day Argyle.99

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La Vallière's successor as royal governor in Acadia, François-Marie Perrot, a Parisian, was, like his predecessors, a soldier, having served in the Picardie regiment.  His influence and power came not from his military record, however, but from an efficacious marriage; his wife, Madeleine Laguide Meynier, was a niece of Jean Talon, the first intendant of New France.  In April 1670, through Talon's influence, Perrot was named governor of Montréal by the Sulpician fathers, who owned the island.  Perrot sailed to Canada with Talon in May and arrived in August.  Although the Sulpicians welcomed him, they soon regretted their decision.  Perrot accompanied Governor-General Courcelle to the Iroquois country in 1671 and helped to avert war with the Six Nations.  In 1672, Courcelle and Talon granted Perrot a seigneurie on the large island in the St. Lawrence at its junction with the Ottawa, just downriver from Montréal, today's Île Perrot.  To the chagrin of Montréal the fur dealers, Perrot established an illegal trading venture on his island and employed coureurs de bois to enforce his will, using violence when necessary.  The following year, the new governor-general, Frontenac, set up a fur trading venture of his own at Catararcoui, far up the St. Lawrence, where the governor-general's protégé, Robert Cavelier de La Salle, built a new fort he named after Frontenac.  Perrot joined the Montréal traders in denouncing Frontenac's activities.  Frontenac retaliated by having Perrot arrested and held to trial before the Superior Council.  Perrot, pointing to his commission from the King, refused to recognize the right of the Council to try him.  Despite pressure from Frontenac, the Council relented and referred Perrot's case to the King.  Frontenac sent Perrot back to France to face charges for refusing to obey the orders of the governor-general.  Perrot did not fare well with Louis XIV or Minister Colbert and spent three "comfortable" weeks in La Bastille.  Upon Perrot's release, the King reinstated him as governor of Montréal and enjoined Frontenac to treat him with more respect.  Back in Canada, Perrot and Frontenac formed an uneasy alliance in the effort to dominate the western fur trade.  Emboldened by his "victory" over his enemies, Perrot became a virtual dictator at Montréal, breaching no challenge to his authority and especially to his control of the local fur trade.  His rough-and-tumble coureurs terrorized the town, and Perrot was not above imprisoning a judge who dared to order the arrest of one of his men.  In this, he went too far.  In 1679--the year that the English Parliament passed the Habeas Corpus Act!--the King and Colbert enjoined Frontenac to prevent a governor, or any other colonial administrator, from arresting his subjects and interfering with the local courts.  Perrot, certain of Frontenac's protection, continued his abuse of the unfortunate residents of Montréal, especially those with the temerity to criticize his fur trading activities.  Perrot's venality was evident for all to see, and his illegal activities netted for him an impressive personal fortune.294 

In 1680 and 1681, the Superior Council tried to curtail Perrot's activities, but Frontenac blocked their efforts.  The following year, however, Frontenac was sacked and replaced by Joseph-Antoine Le Febvre de La Barre.  Perrot's many enemies--the intendant, the members of the Superior Council, the residents and other seigneurs of Montréal, and of course the local merchants--pounced on the Parisian, and not even his influential friends at court, including his brother Perrot de Fercourt, could save him.  In May 1682, the King informed Governor-General Le Febvre de La Barre to dismiss Perrot as Montréal's governor.  By then, however, Perrot had won the favor of the new governor-general, who defended the governor while at the same time covering his own illegal activities in the western trade.  Minister Colbert was not impressed by the new governor-general's case in favor of the errant governor.  In 1683, during his final days, Colbert ordered Perrot stripped of his powers and threatened to recall him to France.  Louis-Hector de Callière, a future governor-general, replaced Perrot as governor of Montréal and, unfortunately for Acadia, François-Marie Perrot was named royal governor of the colony.294a 

Perrot did not go directly to his new post at Port-Royal but traveled from Montréal to France instead, probably to repair the damage to his reputation at court.  He also may have attempted to dodge what he doubtlessly considered a forced exile to a neglected corner of New France where large profits in illicit trade would be hard to come by.  Perrot did not reach Port-Royal until September 1685, a year and a half after his predecessor, La Vallière, had been removed from the post and nearly two years since a governor had lived there.  He was not impressed with what he saw.  He described his new post "as a straggly collection of houses with considerable distances between the buildings, in no way a compact village."  He was especially repelled by what he observed in relations between the Acadians and the Mi'kmaq.  The governor "was convinced that the very structure of Port Royal led to its people 'taking to the woods and leading a scandalous life with the savages.'"  His personality, perhaps, compelled him to look at the dark side of human behavior.  Another official who had been living among the Port-Royal Acadians for nearly a decade, Abbé Louis Petit, the vicar general of Acadia, a former soldier like Perrot, found them to be an entirely different sort of people.  In a letter written to the new bishop at Québec a month after Perrot's arrival, and perhaps in reaction the new governor's dark opinions, Abbé Petit made "no mention of loose living among his flock.  Instead, Petit describes his congregation as sweet-natured, with a tendency to piety and given to swearing or drunkenness, and the women as chaste.  He was pleased with the attendance at Mass on Sundays and holy days and their reception of the sacraments."294b 

No matter, Perrot would make the most of his new situation among these confounding people.  Colbert had died in the autumn of 1683, before Perrot could attempt to win his favor.  Colbert's successor as Minister of Marine, his son Jean-Baptiste Colbert, marquis de Seignelay, had warned Perrot to act responsibly in Acadia, but, like any accomplished shake-down artist, Perrot behaved at Port-Royal "exactly as he had done at Montréal.  He lost no time in seeking to monopolize the fur trade of the colony, traded brandy over the counter in his own house, shipped contraband to Boston, and, in complete disregard for the king's orders, allowed New England seamen to fish in Acadian coastal waters upon purchasing a permit, for which he charged L5 per ketch."  Many voiced complaints to the naval ministry, including La Vallière's old enemy, Clerbaud Bergier of the Company of Acadia, still ensconced at Chédabouctou.294f 

Soon after Perrot reached Port-Royal, the intendant of New France, Jacques de Meulles, visited the colony to conduct a census and perhaps to look in on the new governor.  According to historian Naomi Griffiths, "De Meulles came by sea from Quebec, leaving there on 11 October 1685."  He traveled in a barque captained by Simon-Pierre Denys de Bonaventure, a grand nephew of Nicolas Denys, who evidently remained with him throughout the Acadian tour.  Professor Griffiths continues:  "He arrived at Île Percé nineteen days later, on 30 October.  Departing for Baie Verte and Beaubassin, he was wrecked off Miscou the next day, 31 October, but had the courage to continue, four days later, in one of the ship's small boats.  He arrived on 12 November at the seigneury of Richard Denys de Fronsac, the son of Nicolas Denys, at [the] mouth of Miramichi."  They slept in Denys's secluded manor house, surrounded by a small stone fort with four bastions.  "It took de Meulles another ten days to journey to Beaubassin, by way of the coast and a bitter portage from Baie-Verte.  He arrived at his destination on 23 November, having been delayed by an early and severe frost, which made the terrain difficult both for canoes and for foot travel.  In all, the voyage from Quebec to La Vallière's settlement had taken over six weeks," providing the intendant with an object lesson in the great distances and the difficulties in reaching the Acadian settlements via the Gulf of St. Lawrence.  La Vallière was not at Beaubassin when de Meulles arrived.  The season was late, so he chose to winter at the seigneur's manor house before moving on to Port-Royal.  He and his entourage spent five long months there, and, Professor Griffiths tells us, de Meulles was "bored by the life among the company he found at Beaubassin...," but he was impressed by the meadows there, which he believed could pasture "more than 100,000 cattle."  Not until the third week of April 1686 could he leave Chignecto in a 12-toon sloop called the St.-Antoine, loaned to him by La Vallière.  When the vessel entered the Bay of Fundy, it was "blown onto 'a point of clayey land which one could hardly see at that time.'  The tide, which had been so high that it 'overflowed into the meadows,' began to ebb.  In an hour or two, the ship was 'balanced, half of it being in the air,' leaving de Meulles and his crew teetering three stores above the water's surface 'as if we had been put there on purpose.'  The water's return saved the high-centered Frenchmen," giving the intendant and his companions another object lesson in what the Acadians had endure in their settlements along the big French bay.  They sailed on to the mouth of Rivière St.-Jean, and de Meulles may have toured the coast of Maine as far down as Pentagouët before reaching Port-Royal on May 2.  He spent two weeks there, probably with Perrot.  Influenced, likely, by the equally-irascible governor, the intendant also noted the unseemly relationship between the Port-Royal habitants and the local band of Mi'kmaq, and issued ordinances "concerned 'with ways of remedying the libertinism of several of His Majesty's subjects, who keep Indian women in their dwellings, who desert father and mother and follow these Indian women into the woods.'"  (One wonders if de Meulles and the Abbé Petit spoke at all about the true nature of these settlers.)  De Muelles may have visited the Minas settlements via the old Indian portage at the upper reaches of Rivière-au-Dauphin, if he had not gone there on his way from Beaubassin to Rivière St.-Jean.  He noted that the Acadians "built boats capable of coastal travel and that they made their own clothes, the women making stockings, gloves, and bonnet."  He also reported that "every spring three or four English ships came, loaded with every necessity, bartering for furs and other goods," thus securing for themselves the necessary items that trade with the France, both Old and New, did not provide for them.  Continuing his tour of the colony after his stay at Port-Royal, de Meulles visited La Hève, Chédabouctou, and Canso, where he rebuked the recently-converted Huguenots among the fishing crews who insisted on continuing their heretical practices.  From St.-Pierre on Cape Breton island, once the home of Nicolas Denys, de Meulles returned to Miramichi, where he stayed again at Richard Denys's stone fort.  Back at Île Percé by June 19, de Meulles took a ship for the St. Lawrence the following day.  He reached Québec on July 6, having spent a little over eight months in greater Acadia.294e 

Another distinguished visitor during Perrot's tenure was 32-year-old Jean-Baptiste de la Croix de Chevrières de Saint-Vallier, the aging Laval's replacement as Bishop of Québec.  The prelate, like the intendant, also reported on the state of the colony after experiencing the rigors of the country.  Instead of going there by sea, as de Meulles had done, the young bishop chose to follow the old Indian portage from the St. Lawrence valley to Rivière St.-Jean, which Grandfontaine had surveyed 15 years before.   The bishop and his party, consisting of two priests and five expert canoe men, left Rivière-du-Loup, below Québec, on 7 May 1686, and entered "a countryside 'where winter still held sway.'"  Following the portage via Lac Pohénégamook to the upper reaches of the St.-Jean, they reached what the bishop called Le Grand Sault Saint Jean Baptiste, at present-day Grand Falls, New Brunswick, 10 days later.  "Sometimes they had to break the ice to get the canoes through," the bishop's biographer tells us.  "At one time they thought they would die of starvation.  Then came the summer, the unbearable mosquito bites, the humid heat."  At the Maliseet capital of Meductic, the bishop sent all but one of the priests on to Port-Royal.  With a single companion, he made his way cross country to the southwest branch of Rivière Miramichi and visited Richard Denys's establishment at the mouth of the Miramichi, where Intendant de Meulles had stayed a few weeks earlier, in mid-June, on his way back to Québec.  The bishop's journey now had consumed over seven weeks; the previous autumn, on his way to Acadia, it had taken de Meulles "roughly a month" to reach this same point via the Gulf of St. Lawrence despite a shipwreck at Île Miscou.  The bishop, however, had begun his mission as soon as he had left his seat, having stopped "a number of times en route between Quebec and Rivière-du-Loup."  "Everywhere they met Frenchmen or Indians," such as at Grand Sault and Meductic, the young bishop "preached, catechized, rebuked, praised.  He ate little, scarcely slept, and worked unceasingly," his biographer goes on.  He remained at Miramichi and nearby Richibouctou for a week, ministering to the Mi'kmaq who came out to greet him.  Continuing down the gulf shore via Shediac, he lingered at the fishing post at Chédabouctou before heading back up the coast to Baie-Verte.  Complaining "bitterly about the clouds of mosquitoes," he endured the short but difficult portage down the Missaguash to Beaubassin.  He now would be touring the heart of Acadia--the settlements along the south shore of the Bay of Fundy where the largest population centers could be found.  The bishop conversed at length not only with the seigneur, with whom he likely stayed, but also with some of the Chignecto settlers.  He noted in his journal the difficulties of the early years at Chignecto, especially in constructing the aboiteaux, information the bishop would have best gotten from the habitants themselves; Professor Griffiths notes that Bishop Saint-Vallier was "one of the few seventeenth-century commentators who seems to have realized how much work was involved in the building and maintenance of dykes."  The bishop noted that many Chignecto settlers fished for salmon and cod as well as planted crops and raised impressive herds of cattle.  He also commented on the weaving skills of the Chignecto women but also noted the frontier roughness of the finished product.  He was charmed by beauty of the Missaguash valley, especially "the many little streams that flowed through its broad meadows."  He commented that the settlers on La Vallière's seigneurie "would be above reproach if only they were a little more restrained in the matter of the brandy trade with the Mi'kmaq."  As he had done for the intendant earlier in the spring, La Vallière probably loaned the bishop a sailboat, perhaps the St.-Antoine.  From Chignecto, Saint-Vallier and his companion journeyed by water to the Minas Basin before continuing on towards Port-Royal.  At Minas, the bishop noted that the habitants of this recently-created settlement also were "draining the marshes."  As did de Meulles months before, the bishop also experienced the rigors of traveling in the Bay of Fundy.  "The seas were rough," Professor Griffiths relates, "and, after nine days on board the small ship, having run out of supplies, his party came to shore and walked the rest of the way overland"; from Minas, they likely followed the old Indian portage up the side of North Mountain to the upper reaches of Rivière-au-Dauphin.  The bishop and his companion arrived at Port-Royal late on the evening of July 25, two months after de Meulles had spent his two weeks there.  He "found the church at Port Royal pretty and adequately furnished."  Doubtlessly influenced by the testimony of Abbé Petit, the new bishop reported that the Acadians in general were faithful to the Church and its teachings.  The settlers at Beaubassin and Minas beseeched him to send priests to their settlements.  One of the bishop's few complaints, that Acadian women "immediately baptized" their newborns, can "be read," Professor Griffiths notes, "as the result of strong convictions, held by the women, about the importance of the sacraments as the rite of admittance to membership in the Catholic Church."  Saint-Vallier "returned to Quebec via Beaubassin, Baie Verte, and the sea route, ending his journey" by the third week of August.  His tour to the far reaches of his diocese had taken him a bit over four months to complete.  Thanks to what he had seen and heard there, and to the reports of his hand full of priests, he had a good idea of the spirituality of his distant Acadian "children."294c 

One wonders what the Acadian habitants thought of all this official attention.  Judging by the thoroughness of de Meulles's census, the majority of them must have interacted with the intendant as he made his rounds from settlement to settlement, but they likely were repelled by his irascible, officious nature.  "De Meulles was in his late thirties or early forties at this time," Professor Griffiths tells us, "and in his diary and dispatches comes across as cantankerous, critical, and self-important."  Evidently not impressed with Governor Perrot's performance, or with the many Acadians he met, de Meulles "reported that the colony was much in need of more effective government and its inhabitants of greater discipline, noting constantly in his diary the times he issued ordinances to regulate the lives of the inhabitants and the number of times he exhorted them to live in peace with one another."  One suspects that fewer of the habitants heard the words of their religious mentor from Québec, and that few of the ones who did hear his woods took to heart the young bishop's paternal rebukes.  His gentle nature, however, would have appealed to them, except when he chided them for trading brandy with the Mi'kmaq.294g

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De Meulles's primary mission in Acadia was "to report on the resources of the area and particularly on the possibility of establishing sedentary fishing stations, which would provide employment for the Canadians and a market for [Canada's] agricultural produce."  He also was tasked with conducting a detailed census of the Acadian population, which he began probably at Chignecto in either the late autumn or early winter of 1685 or early spring of 1686.  Again, as in the 1678 census at Port-Royal, familiar names were found in the colony in even greater numbers, and many new names appeared.  Happily for historians and genealogists, de Meulles's census was more detailed and comprehensive than that of 1678, though it was not as detailed as the first one 15 years before.  Happily, the intendant counted Acadians not only at Port-Royal (where he found 592 persons and 95 families, as well as 30 soldiers), but also at most of the other settlements in the colony:  at Chignecto (where he found 127 persons and 19 families) and Minas (57 persons and 10 families); at the Atlantic-shore settlements of Pobomcoup and Cap-Sable (15 persons and 3 families), La Hève and Mirliguèche (19 persons and 6 families), Canso (no population figures, so the persons there likely were itinerant fishermen), and Chédabouctou (50 fishermen, a royal lieutenant, 15 or 20 servants, and 3 or 4 habitants); at Pentagouët, Passamaquoddy, Rivière Ste.-Croix, and Mégais, also called Machias, on the coast of Maine and along the lower Fundy shore (16 persons, not counting servants, and half a dozen families in all of these settlements); and at Miramichi (the seigneur and 4 or 5 servants), Nepisiguit (2 habitants, including an Indian wife, and 3 or 4 servants), and Île Percé (59 persons, most of them fishermen, and 5 families), along the southwestern shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence--a total of 885 men, women, and children in the colony, with 222 guns, 986 head of cattle, 759 sheep, 608 hogs, and 896 arpents under cultivation, a doubling of the colony's established population since 1671, as well as a substantial increase in its material resources.  Sadly, historian Naomi Griffiths tells us, de Meulles exhibited "no historical sensitivity about his work, and perhaps he did not know about the 1671 census.  Certainly he was less meticulous; daughters were not named and the reports of domestic animals were haphazardly recorded.  The lack of historical reference is also apparent in the way in which he talks of the development of the colony.  There is little appreciation that the colony had not only survived, in spite of continued neglect by France, but actually developed.  Port Royal had endured while Beaubassin and Minas had been established, the acreage of land cleared throughout the colony had doubled, there had been close to a 50 per cent growth in the number of cattle reported, the number of sheep kept had approximately doubled, and the herds of goats and pigs had grown significantly."  Especially apparent from the census results was Acadia's potential as a cattle-producing region, which likely already had caught the attention of New English as well as Canadian merchants.45

Professor Griffiths adds that the 1680s was an important period in the development of the Acadian culture, "the years when migration from France to 'Acadie' added to an existing population rather than created a new colony, and when European heritage interacted with the North American environment...."  Some of the new settlers may have come to Acadia aboard L'Oranger, which left La Rochelle in December 1670 and reached Port-Royal only months after the first census was taken.  Others had arrived on ships from France the names of which have been lost to history, and some, including a family of seigneurs and their retainers, had come to Acadia from Canada.  "There had been a certain amount of migration since 1671...," Professor Griffiths explains.  "On the whole, however, the growth in population was due to natural increase.  People were fertile and the children lived.  Throughout the settlements the average family sizes seems to have been five or six children.  ...  In common with the experience of much of New England, infant mortality was low, at least 75 percent of the children surviving to adulthood.  This was a very different reality from Europe.  In France, no more than 50 per cent of children reached adulthood.  Another 25 per cent died between the ages of twenty and twenty-five.  Immigration continued to Acadia during the next twenty-five years but, by 1686, the colony was close to being self-generating demographically."  Razilly, d'Aulnay, even Charles La Tour, likely would not have recognized what they had resurrected on the Acadian peninsula half a century before.  "[T]he settlements throughout the colony [were] sufficiently interconnected, to allow us to consider Acadia at this time as a society in the making, not merely a trading outpost of Europe," Professor Griffiths continues.  "Kinship structures within and between the differing settlements, established economic relationships, and legal, political, and religious custom are all to be found by the mid-1680s.  Together, these networks built a pattern of social interaction which made Acadian society an entity that differed substantially from its neighbours" to the west and south.  Moreover, "Acadia was a border colony, not only because it was situated at the meeting place of empires, or because it was ruled alternately by France and by England, but because its larger and more powerful neighbours treated it as such."  As time would tell, "Neither New England nor New France were ever able to assimilate Acadia fully into their own territory, and only occasionally attempted so to do.  There was always a measure of independence accorded, willingly or unwillingly, to Acadia by its more powerful neighbours."  By the the late 1680s, Professor Griffiths concludes, "the colony," meaning its people, both immigrant and native-born, "established itself as a presence in North America, not strong, not powerful, but there, something that both New England and New France had to take into consideration" during their decades-long struggle, both cold and hot, over control of this corner of America.46 

Many of the new arrivals contributed to the colony's natural increase and to the evolution of Acadian culture by taking wives from the colony's established families, now in their second and even third generations.  The new arrivals, too, helped create "a society in the making" in the burgeoning settlements along the Fundy shore: 

François Amireau dit Tourangeau, born in c1644 in Touraine, France, hence his dit, may have come to the colony aboard L'Oranger.  He married Marie, daughter of Jean Pitre, in c1683.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  François, whom the intendant called a Tourangeau, was age 42, and Marie was 22.  They were living with a daughter, age 2.  De Meulles did not give the size of their farm or the number of their animals.  Marie gave François 11 children, including five sons who created families of their own.  Many of them settled in the Cap-Sable area and became the largest family there.220 

Pierre Arsonneau, born perhaps at La Flamancherie in the Saintonge region in September 1646, became a coastal pilot.  He may have come to the colony aboard L'Oranger in 1671.  He married Marguerite, a daughter of Abraham Dugas, in c1675.  Pierre does not appear in the Port-Royal census of 1678 because, not long after his marriage, he and Marguerite moved to the new Acadian settlement at Chignecto.  Pierre remarried to Marie, daughter of François Guérin, in c1686.  That year, in his census, De Meulles's noted that "Arsenault, who resides in Port-Royal[,] owns in the seigneurie of Beaubassin 1 gun, 30 arpents, 8 cattle, 4 sheep, 6 hogs."  De Meulles insisted that Pierre was age 40 in 1686, and Marie was 24.  They were counted at Port-Royal with Pierre's two sons by his first wife, who created families of their own.  Second wife Marie gave Pierre seven more children, including five more sons who created their own families.119

Nicolas Barrieau, also called Barriot, Bariault, and Barillot, born in France in c1648, may have come to Acadia aboard L'Oranger.  He married Martine, daughter of Étienne Hébert, at Port-Royal in c1682.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686, on the eve of their move to the Minas Basin.  Nicolas, who the intendant called a Barillot, was age 40, and Martine was 28.  They were living with a two-year-old daughter.  De Meulles did not give the size of their farm or the numbers of their animals.  Martine gave Nicolas nine children, including four sons who created families of their own.218

Martin Benoit or Benoist dit Labriere, born probably at Rochefort in c1643, may have come to the colony aboard L'Oranger.  He married Marie Chaussegros at Port-Royal in c1672.  They were counted at Port-Royal in 1678 and again in 1686.  In 1686, Martin, called a Benoist, was age 42, and Marie was 30.  They lived with six children, four sons and two daughters.  De Meulles did not give the size of their farm, but he noted that they owned 4 hogs.  Marie gave Martin 10 children, including five sons who created families of their own.122 

François Brossard, later Broussard, born in c1653, perhaps in Anjou, may have come to the colony aboard L'Oranger.  He married Catherine, daughter of Michel dit Sansoucy Richard, at Port-Royal in c1678.  De Meulles found them still at Port-Royal in 1686.  François was age 33, and Catherine was 22.  They lived with three children, a son and two daughters, the younger daughter "not yet ... baptized" at 11 days old.  They owned 1 gun, 7 cattle, 6 sheep, and 5 hogs.  Catherine gave François 11 children, including six sons, five of whom created families of their own.  The activities of two of those sons would write the family's name large in Acadian history.131 

Jean Doiron may have come to the colony on L'Oranger.  In c1671, either in France or at Port-Royal, he married Marie-Anne Canol.  They do not appear in the 1678 census.  In 1686, de Meulles called him a Douaron and said Jean was age 37, and Marianne was 35.  They lived at Port-Royal with seven children, six sons and a daughter.  De Meulles did not give the size of their farm, but he noted that they owned 1 gun, 7 cattle, and 1 sheep.  Marie-Anne gave Jean four more children, including two more sons.  In the early 1690s, Jean remarried to Marie, a daughter of Guillaume Trahan, and she gave him eight more children, four sons and two daughters--so he fathered 19 children in all, including 11 sons who created families of their own!120

François Levron dit Nantois, probably of Nantes, may have come to Acadian aboard L'Oranger.  He married Catherine, a daughter of François Savoie, in c1676.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  François was age 33, and Catherine was 20.  They lived with four small children, a son and three daughters. The intendant did not record the size of their farm, but he noted that they owned 8 cattle and 7 sheep.  Catherine gave François 10 children, including three sons who created families of their own.128 

Jacques, or Jean-Jacques, Le Prince, born in c1646, birthplace unrecorded but probably in France, may have been serving in the household of notary Séverin Ameau at Trois-Rivière on the St. Lawrence at the time of the 1666 Canadian census.  He moved to Port-Royal before 1671 and married Marguerite, daughter of Étienne Hébert, in c1671, the year of the first Acadian census.  Acadian genealogist Stephen A. Whites says that Jacques and Marguerite were not counted in the first census because they probably "lived at a place that was far removed from the rest of the [Hébert] family."  Neither do not appear in the 1678 census, but de Meulles found them at Port-Royal in 1686 and recorded that Jacques was age 40, and Marguerite was 35.  They lived with four children, who the intendant did not name, and owned 5 sheep and 3 hogs.  Marguerite gave Jacques six children, including three sons who created families of their own and spelled their surname Leprince, which later was shortened to Prince.121

Martin Aucoin, once thought to be half-brother of the Aucoin sisters, Michelle and Jeanne, who had come to the colony from La Rochelle by the 1640s and married Michel Boudrot and François Girouard in c1641 and c1647, respectively, evidently hailed from a different family in France.  Martin married Marie, daughter of Denis Gaudet, at Port-Royal in c1673, but they did not appear in the 1678 census, which counted habitants only at Port-Royal; perhaps they were living at Chignecto, on Rivière St.-Jean, on the Atlantic-side of the peninsula, or in Canada that year.  De Meulles noted that Martin, fils was 35 years old, and Marie was 27 in 1686.  The intendant found them at Minas with eight children, four sons and four daughters, the youngest one, a daughter, only 7 months old.  They owned 1 gun, 15 cattle, 10 sheep, and 6 hogs.  Marie (who had been age 16 at the time of their marriage, bore her first child the following year, and gave birth to her last child at age 50!), gave Martin 19 children, including nine sons who created families of their own.123

Julien Lord, also Laure and L'Or, dit LaMontagne married Anne-Charlotte, called Charlotte, daughter of François Girouard, in c1675.  (Genealogist/historian Bona Arsenault says that Julien had been a soldier in the Carignan-Salières Regiment.)  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  Julien was age 33 and Charlotte 26.  They were living with four children, the youngest one, a daughter age 1.  The intendant did not give the size of their farm or the number of their animals.  Charlotte gave Julien nine children, including four sons who created families of their own.124 

Étienne Pellerin, born in c1647, was, according to one authority, the younger brother of François Pellerin, who came to the colony during the mid-1660s, but another authority on the Acadians, followed here, disagrees.  Étienne came to Acadia after the first census and married Jeanne, daughter of François Savoie, at Port-Royal in c1675, and there they remained.  Jeanne gave him 10 children, including five sons, all born at Port-Royal, four of whom created families of their own.125 

Jean Serreau de Saint-Aubin, born in Poitou in c1621, emigrated to Canada in c1660 and set himself up on the Argentenay seigneurie at Île d'Orléans.  He married Marguerite, daughter of René Boileau or Boisleau, sieur de La Goupillière, of St.-Jean Dersé, or Dercé, Diocese of Poitiers, probably at Québec in c1663.  Marguerite gave Jean four children, born on Île d'Orléans.  All was not happy in the Saint-Aubin household, however.  A neighbor, Jean Terme of Switzerland, became obsessed with Marguerite and, despite Jean's warnings, "visited [her] too familiarly."  Threats were exchanged between the husband and the neighbor.  One day in July 1665, Jean surprised Terme with his wife.  In the encounter that followed, Terme made the mistake of placing his hand on the hilt of his sword.  Jean "dealt him a blow with a stick which proved fatal."  The aggrieved husband was exonerated of the act, which, in the eyes of his fellow colonists, was clearly self-defense.  He received "letters of remission and pardon" signed by King Louis XIV in February 1666, which were certified by the Supreme Council at Québec the following January.  No matter, at the request of his seigneuress, Madame d'Ailleboust, Jean and his wife were expelled from Île d'Orléans.  He sold his property at Baie St.-Paul, on the north shore of the St. Lawrence below Île d'Orléans, to Msgr. Laval for 1,100 livres in September 1676 and took his family to Acadia.  They settled at Passamaquoddy, on the north shore of the Bay of Fundy.  In June 1684, Jean was granted the seigneurie of Passamaquoddy, which included Île Ste.-Croix on Rivière Ste.-Croix, site of de Monts's first settlement.  The seigneur and his family built their manor house on Île Archimagan, at the mouth of Rivière Ste.-Croix, near present-day St. Andrews, New Brunswick.  In 1686, de Meulles found the seigneur with his wife and "his older and younger sons and a few servants" on Rivière Ste.-Croix.  Marguerite gave Jean four children, including two sons who created families of their own.126 

Robert Henry or Henri of Rouen, France, evidently raised a Huguenot, also came to Acadia from Canada, where he was counted at Trois-Rivières in 1666 and 1667.  He worked there as a domestic servant for Quentin Moral and was confirmed into the Catholic faith at Trois-Rivières on 6 June 1666.  He went to Chignecto in c1676 perhaps with the seigneur of Beaubassin.  In c1678, he married Marie-Madeleine, daughter of Pierre Godin dit Châtillon.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686; one wonders why they left Chignecto.  Robert was age 43, and Marie-Madeleine was 20.  They were living with four small children, including two sons and a daughter, the youngest child, only a baby, gender and name unrecorded (probably daughter Geneviève, born in January), who had not yet been baptized.  De Meulles did not record the size of their farm, but he did say that they owned 1 gun, 4 cattle, and 10 sheep.  Marie-Madeleine gave Robert 13 children, including six sons who created families of their own.138

Dominique Gareau, born in France in c1626, was a sergeant in the King's service when he married Marie, daughter of Jean Gaudet and widow of Étienne Hébert, at Port-Royal in c1676.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  Dominique, called Garault, was age 60; Marie's age was unrecorded.  They were living with two of Marie's Hébert sons, ages 20 and 16, and with their only child, daughter Marie, called Elarie, age 9, on three arpents of land.  They owned 4 sheep and 3 hogs.127

Étienne Rivet or Rivest married Marie-Jeanne or Marie-Anne, a daughter of Pierre Comeau, in c1676.  De Meulles found them at Minas in 1686.  Étienne was age 34, and Marie, who proved to be his first wife, was 24.  They lived with three small children, two sons and a daughter.  The intendant did not record the size of their farm, but he noted that they owned 3 cattle and 1 hog.  Marie gave Étienne five children, including a son who created a family of his own.129 

Jacques Triel, Triguel, or Triquel dit Laperrière, born in c1646, came to Acadia by c1676, the year he married Marie, daughter of François Savoie, at Port-Royal.  De Muelles found them there still in 1686.  Jacques was age 40, and Marie was 30.  They lived with four children, three sons and a daughter, the youngest, a son, only age 2.  De Meulles said nothing of their livestock or other holdings.  Marie gave Jacques five children, including a son who created a family of his own.130 

Louis-Noël, called Noël, de Labauve or Labove married Marie, a daughter of René Rimbault, in c1678.  De Meulles counted them at Minas in 1686.  Louis-Noël, called de la Boue, was age 27, and Marie was 22.  Living with them on a single arpent of land were four young sons, the youngest one only 2.  They owned 1 gun, 1 cow, 3 sheep, and 3 hogs.  Marie gave Noël a dozen children, including five sons who created families of their own.132 

Michel, son of Pierre Larché of St.-Pierre parish, Montdidier, Picardie, France, and an unidentified Indian woman, was born at Trois-Rivières, Canada, in c1664.  He came to Acadia as a young servant of the Beaubassin seigneur between 1678 and 1682.  De Meulles found him still serving in the seigneur's household in 1686.  The intendant recorded that Michel was age 22 and single.  He remained at Chignecto and married Anne, daughter of Thomas Cormier, in c1690.  She gave him a dozen children, including six sons who created families of their own.  The family's name evolved into Haché.  Michel's sons used his dit, Gallant, which, in some of their lines, evolved into a surname.133 

Emmanuel dit Tavare, son of Emmanuel Mirande and Catherine Spire of Ste.-Croix, Île de Gratiose, in the Azores, was a Portuguese sailor.  He settled first in Canada, at La Canardière, where, in 1670, at age 22, he contracted for marriage with Françoise Duval.  The contract "was subsequently cancelled," however, and Françoise married someone else.  A few years later, Emmanuel, described as "a Spaniard," was "keeping company" with Catherine Basset, who, in August 1675, was ordered by city authorities at Québec "'to clear out of this city and its outskirts within three days, owing to her bad reputation.'"   Evidently Emmanuel thought it best to "clear out," too.  He moved to Chignecto, where he married Marguerite, daughter of Jacques Bourgeois and widow of Jean Boudrot, at Beaubassin, in November 1679; witnesses to the marriage were not only two of young widow's brothers, but also the seigneur of Chignecto, Michel Le Neuf de La Vallière, then serving as the colony's commander, who may have encouraged the Portuguese to settle on his seigneurie.  De Meulles found Emmanuel and Marguerite still at Chignecto in 1686, and recorded that Emmanuel was age 38, and Marguerite was 28.  With them was a 9-year-old daughter from Marguerite's first marriage, and four children, three sons and a daughter, ages 5 to 2, from their own marriage.  They owned 3 guns and were raising 18 cattle, 8 sheep, and 30 hogs on 25 arpents of land.  Marguerite gave Emmanuel nine children, including a son who created a family of his own.133a

Jean-Aubin dit Châtillon, son of Jean Mignot or Migneau and Louise Cloutier of Beauport, below Québec, moved from his native Beauport to Chignecto, perhaps at the behest of the seigneur at Chignecto, and married Anne, daughter of Abraham Dugas and widow of Charles Bourgeois, at Beaubassin in April 1679.  De Meulles, who called him a Mignault, found Jean-Aubin and his family still at Chignecto in 1686 and noted that Jean-Aubin was age 36, and Anne was 34  With them were two sons and a daughter, ages 14, 12, and 7, from her first marriage, and three children of their own, ages 6, 2, and 3 months.  They owned 2 guns, 20 cattle, 4 sheep, 14 hogs, and 8 arpents of land.  Anne gave Jean-Aubin six children, including three sons who created their own families.133b

François Léger, age 55, probably another Canadian, also was counted by de Meulles as a servant in the seigneur of Beaubassin's household in 1686.  There is no evidence, however, that François created a family of his own.  One wonders if he was the Léger who genealogist Bona Arsenault says had been a soldier in the Carignan-Salières Regiment, which had served in Canada.  François likely was not kin to the other Légers who settled in the colony.134

François Lapierre dit Laroche married Jeanne, daughter of René Rimbault, probably at Port-Royal in c1680.  De Meulles found them at Minas in 1686.  François was age 38, and Jeanne age 24.  They were living with three children, two sons and a daughter, ages 5, 3, and 1.  De Meulles did not give the size of their holdings, but he did note that they owned a gun.  Jeanne gave Laroche 10 children, including three sons who created families of their own.135 

Claude Guédry dit Gravois dit La Verdure married first to Kesk8a, an Indian, in c1680, and then to Marguerite, daughter of Claude Petitpas and widow of Martin Dugas, in c1681.  They lived at Mirliguèche, on the Atlantic side of the peninsula, as well as at Port-Royal and Chignecto.  De Meulles found them at Mirliguèche in 1686.  Claude, called La Verdure, was age 35, and Marguerite, whose given name was not recorded, was 25.  They were living with one child, whose gender and age was not recorded.  Claude's daughter Jeanne by his first wife (their only child) had been born at Beaubassin in June 1681, so she would have been 5 at the time of the census.  Only three of his children by Marguerite--sons Claude, fils, Jean-Baptiste, and Charles--would have been born by the time of the census.  Of these four children, only the second son, Jean-Baptiste, seems to have survived childhood, so the child counted at Mirliguèche may have been Jean-Baptiste.  Marguerite gave Claude 11 children, including four sons who created families of their own.136 

Jean Labarre, born in c1636, probably in France, married Catherine ____, in c1680 and settled at Chignecto, where de Meulles found them in 1686.  Jean, called simply Labarre, was age 50, and his unnamed wife was 46.  Jean died by c1691, when Catherine remarried probably at Chignecto.  She gave Jean one child, a daughter, who married into the Forest family, so the blood of the family, at least, survived in the colony.136a

Pierre Godin dit Châtillon, born at St.-Vorle de Châtillon-sur-Seine, France, in May 1630, was descended from Belgians who lived at Namur.  Pierre's grandfather, a dyer, settled at Châtillon-sur-Seine in Burgundy in the late 1500s.  Pierre's father Claude was a master carpenter.  Pierre emigrated to New France in his early 20s and married Jeanne, daughter of Louis Rousselière of Moëze, diocese of Saintes, France, at Montréal in October 1654.  They were living at Charlesbourg, below Québec, in 1666, and at Verdun, near Montréal, in 1681, before moving on to Acadia, where Pierre worked as a carpenter at Chignecto probably in the employ of the seigneur of Beaubassin.  Pierre and his family, in fact, lived with Irishman Roger Caissie at Chignecto while completing his work there.  Pierre also owned property at Port-Royal, where he died before de Meulles's census.  De Meulles counted Pierre dit Châtillon's widow, Jeanne, age unrecorded, living at Port-Royal with three unmarried children, two grown sons and a teenage daughter: Gabriel dit Châtillon, age 25, Pierre dit Châtillon dit Desrochers, 20, and Anne, the youngest child, 13.  De Meulles did not give the size of Jeanne's farm or the number of her animals.  Also counted in the census were two of her married children.  Son Laurent dit Châtillon dit Beauséjour, called Laurens, was age 32, and his wife Anne, daughter of François Guérin, also was 32.  Living with them were three young children, two sons and two daughters, the youngest, a daughter, only five months old.  De Meulles did not give the size of their farm, but he did note that they owned 7 cattle and 7 sheep.  Laurent was a miller, which may explain why the intendant did not detail the size of his holding.  Also counted in the 1686 census was Pierre and Jeanne's fourth daughter, Marie-Madeleine, age 20, with husband Robert Henry, age 43, and their four young children.137

Jean Préjean dit Le Breton, evidently from Brittany, married Andrée, a daughter of François Savoie, in c1683.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  Jean was age 35, and Andrée was 21.  They were living with a two-year-old daughter on an arpent of land.  They owned 2 guns and 1 hog.  Andrée gave him a dozen children, including eight sons who created families of their own.219 

Mathieu, son of Louis D'Amours, conseilleur de Roy at the Chatelet in Paris, and Élisabeth Tessier, was born at Paris in c1618.  His "ancestors belonged to the French nobility and had possessed seigneuries in Anjou."  Mathieu reached Québec in October 1651 and the following April married Marie, daughter of Nicolas Marsolet de Saint-Aignan, the famous interpreter to the Algonquins; Mathieu was 33 years old, and his bride was 14, at the time of their wedding.  He served as major of the town and commanded "'a flying column.'"  Evidently his service caught the eye of the powers that be.  Beginning in September 1663, Mathieu served as one of the seven founding members of the Conseil sourverain de Québec and served on the Council until his death in October 1695, age 77.  His power and influence enriched him materially as well as politically.  In November 1672, he obtained a seigneurie at Matane, on the south shore of the lower St.-Lawrence; he thus became Mathieu D'Amours, sieur de Matane.  He also received grants on Rivière St.-Jean and on Rivière Métis and fishing rights on the lower St.-Lawrence.  In the summer and fall of 1681, after receiving a fur trading license for Matane, he was imprisoned for two months in the Château Saint-Louis by his political enemy, Governor-General Frontenac.  Nonetheless, considering the sieur de Matane's power and influence, and his wife having come from a prominent Canadian family, it was expected that their surviving sons, Louis, Mathieu, fils, René, Charles, and Bernard, also would receive seigneuries in New France.  All five of them, in fact, received land grants on Rivière St.-Jean, in present-day New Brunswick, during the early 1680s, after Frontenac's recall to France.  Louis received his seigneurie at Jemseg in 1683 and became Louis D'Amours, sieur de Chaffours et de Jemseg; he received a further grant along Rivière Richibouctou, on the Gulf of St. Lawrence coast, in September 1684.  Mathieu, fils's grant, which he received in September 1684, lay along an upper stretch of the river between Jemseg and Nashouat (also called Nashwaak).  With the grant came the title, sieur de Freneuse.  In October 1686, at Québec, the sieur de Freneuse married Louise, daughter of Simon Guyon and widow of Charles Thibault, a sister of Mathieu, fils's older brother Louis's wife Marguerite.  De Meulles counted the D'Amours brothers on Rivière St.-Jean in 1686.  Louis, sieur de Chauffours, was age 32, but wife Marguerite Guyon's age was unrecorded.  The intendant found them with no children.  Mathieu, fils, sieur de Freneuse, was age 28, but wife Louise's age was not recorded, nor did de Meulles record them with any children.  Also in the census, on Rivière St.-Jean, was Louis and Mathieu, fils's younger brother, René, sieur de Clignancour, still a bachelor, who, like his older brothers, had received a grant along Rivière St.-Jean in September 1684.  De Meulles did not give the young sieur's age, but he would have been 26.221

Pierre Chênet, Chesnet, Chenais, or Chesnay, a lawyer born in Paris in c1646, came to Acadia during the early 1680s.   In Canada, Pierre had fathered an illegitimate daughter, Marie-Madeleine, born at Québec in July 1682, by Marguerite, daughter of Jacques Boissel, but he did not marry the mother.  He evidently thought it prudent to relocate to another part of New France; his own mother, in fact, "made it known that she would give him ten thousand écus, if he found he could be honestly married in Acadia."  Pierre fulfilled his mother's wishes:  In May 1683, he became a seigneur at Mégais, or Machias, on the Maine coast, becoming the Sieur Dubreuil, but he also spent time in Port-Royal, where he served as a schoolmaster under Abbé Louis Petit, the vicar general of Acadia.  In October 1685, the abbé wrote of Pierre to the Bishop of Québec:  "... 'this man is the only one with whom I can discuss God with an open heart, there having been in this neighbourhood no spiritual help in the nine years I have been without a companion, and without counsel, in the midst of a thousand difficulties.'"  In 1686, de Meulles, calling him Dubreiul, counted him on his seigneurie at Mégais with only "a few servants."222 

Jean or Joannis Bastarache or Basterretche dit Le Basque of southwestern France married Huguette, a daughter of Pierre Vincent, at Port-Royal in c1684.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  Jean, called Jean de Bastarache, was age 25, and Huguette was 22.  They lived with a daughter who was only 7 months old.  De Meulles did not give the size of their farm or the number of their animals.  Huguette gave Jean five children, including three sons who created families of  their own.223

Pierre Bézier dit Joan dit La Rivière married Madeleine, daughter of Vincent Brun and widow of Guillaume Trahan, in c1684.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  Pierre, called Joan, was age 60, and Madeleine was 47.  They lived with six of her unmarried Trahan children, ages 19 to 9, and their own child, a daughter, Susanne, age 2 months, on 8 arpents of land.  They owned 10 cattle, 10 sheep, and 2 guns.224

Claude Bertrand, no kin to the childless Clément, married Catherine, daughter of Jean Pitre, in c1685.  De Meulles counted them at Port-Royal in 1686.  Claude, called Bertran, was age 35, and Catherine was 18.  De Meulles noted that "they live at Cap de Sable."  He counted no children with them at Port-Royal.  Oldest child Claude, fils was born the year of the census, so they probably were childless when De Meulles counted them.  Catherine gave Claude 10 children, including four sons who created families of their own, but oldest son Claude, fils was not one of them.225

François Michel dit La Ruine, born probably in France in c1651, married Madeleine Germon in c1686, on the eve of de Meulles's census.  He lived with her briefly on Rivière-Ste.-Croix, but de Meulles counted them at La Hève in 1686.  François was 35 years old, and Madeleine was 40.  They had no children, but "a servant," Charles Gourdeau, age 40, lived with them.  Madeleine gave La Ruine no children; his descendants came from his second wife, who he married in c1695.  One wonders if François dit La Ruine was kin to Sr. Jacques Michel dit Saint-Michel, born probably in France in c1658, who came to the colony by c1689.226

.

Also in the colony during the 1680s were men who did not appear in de Meulles's census but who would create family lines of their own or at least contribute to Acadian history.  One of them, in fact, was a high colonial official who fell in love with an Acadian girl: 

Jean Le Roy or Roy dit La Liberté of St.-Malo, France, perhaps a former soldier, now working as a fisherman, came to the colony in the early 1680s and married Marie-Christine, called Christine, Aubois, also called Hautbois and Dubois, an Indian, perhaps a Métisse, in c1686, evidently after the census was taken.  They settled at Cap-Sable.  Christine gave La Liberté nine children, including four sons who created families of their own.231 

In September 1678, René Lambert, probably not kin to Radegonde Lambert, wife of Jean Blanchard, was indentured to Marie-Françoise Chartier de Lotbinière, the wealthy widow of former commander and governor of Acadia, Pierre de Joybert de Soulanges and Marson, who held a seigneurie on Rivière St.-Jean.  In July 1680, René stood as godfather for several Maliseet children who were baptized at Jemseg on the river.  Soon after, he married to a woman whose name has been lost to history.  They do not appear in the 1686 census, so René may have still been living on Rivière St.-Jean.  René's wife gave him two sons who created families of their own.227 

François Moyse dit Latreille, perhaps of Arcasson, France, stood as godfather to a Maliseet girl, perhaps on Rivière St.-Jean, in February 1681.  He married Madeleine, a daughter of Pierre Vincent, in c1685.  They were not counted in the census of 1686 perhaps because they had settled on Rivière St.-Jean, and de Meulles noted only the seigneurs there.  Madeleine gave François six children, including three sons who created families of their own.228 

Louis Saulnier or Sonnier, a sailor, married Louise Bastineau dit Peltier in c1684, but they, too, were not counted in de Meulles's census.  Louise gave him 14 children, all born at Minas.  Five of them were sons who created families of their own.229 

Pierre dit Baptiste, son of Élie Maissonat, born at Bergerac, Guyenne, France, in c1663, came to Acadia during the 1680s as a privateer and served with distinction in King William's War during the 1690s.  He married Judith Soubiran, place unrecorded (his biographer says she lived at Port-Royal), in c1686.  She gave him five children, including thee sons, but only his two daughters created families of their own.  Historians aver that Pierre dit Baptiste was "reputed to have many" wives other than the three he married.  His second and third wives were daughters of prominent Acadians.  He "remarried" to Madeleine, daughter of François Bourg, probably at Port-Royal in 1693.  Two years later, she gave him a daughter, Marie-Madeleine dit Baptiste, who, despite the circumstances of her birth (her parents' marriage was annuled), became a shaker and mover in the colony.  Pierre dit Baptiste's third wife was Marguerite, daughter of Chignecto pioneer Jacques Bourgeois and widow of Jean Boudrot and Emmanuel Mirande dit Tavare, who he married at Port-Royal in January 1707.  Marguerite gave the war hero another daughter, who, like her older half-sisters, created a family of her own..230 

François Savary, a mason and stone cutter, was indentured to Antoine Héron "for the company of Acadia" in 1686.  In c1689, free from his contract, he married Geneviève Forest probably at Port-Royal.  She gave him a son, André, who created a family of his own.232 

Nicolas Babineau or Babinot dit Deslauriers came to Acadia probably as a soldier.  He also worked as a fur trader and a fisherman.  He married Marie-Marguerite, daughter of Laurent Granger, in c1687 probably at Port-Royal.  She gave Nicolas six children, including four sons who created families of their own. 

Jean Babineau, Nicolas dit Deslaurier's younger brother, married Marguerite, daughter of Michel Boudrot, in c1693.  She gave Jean two daughters but no sons.233 

Denis Petitot dit Saint-Seine or Sincennes, master surgeon, married Marie, daughter of Étienne Robichaud, at Port-Royal in c1687.  She gave him four children, including a son who created a family of his own.233a

Louis Allain, a blacksmith, who may have been a recent arrival in the colony, received in July 1687 permission from the seigneur of Port-Royal to build a sawmill on Petit Rivière, below Port-Royal.  Louis also became a successful merchant.  He married Marguerite, daughter of Antoine Bourg, in c1690.  She gave Louis two children, including a son who created a family of his own and a daughter who married the wealthiest man in the colony.234 

Mathieu de Goutin, born in France in c1663 to a family of the lesser nobility, ingratiated himself to an influential marquis and came to Port-Royal in 1688 aboard the frigate Friponne to serve as the King's lieutenant général civil et criminel, or general representative for justice; he replaced the aging Michel Boudrot in August of that year.  De Goutin also served as écrivain, or colonial secretary; as conseiller, or counselor; and as trésorier, or paymaster, at Port-Royal.  Despite the disapproval of Acadian Governor Louis-Alexandre des Friches de Meneval, who considered de Goutin a political enemy, Sr. Mathieu married an Acadian girl, Jeanne, 17-year-old daughter of Pierre Thibodeau and Jeanne Thériot, at Port-Royal in c1689.  She gave him 13 children, including six sons, only two of whom created families of their own.  One of them, Joseph de Ville, became the first Acadian to settle in French Louisiana.235

Guillaume Le Juge married Marie, daughter of ____ Mercier and Françoise Gaudet and widow of Antoine Babin, at Port-Royal in c1688.  Marie gave Guillaume two children, both daughters.  Their older daughter married, so the family's blood, at least, survived in the colony.236 

André Simon dit Jacques Boucher, born in c1663, was a butcher, hence his dit, and was variously called Jacques Le Boucher and Jacques Boucher in Port-Royal censuses.  He married Marie dit Pelletret, daughter of Barnabé Martin, at Port-Royal in c1688.  Marie gave André nine children, four sons and five daughters.  Three of André's sons created families of their own, and each used the dit Boucher.288 

René Bernard, probably not kin to the other Bernards in the colony, came to Acadia during the late 1680s, perhaps at the behest of the seigneur of Chignecto.  René married Madeleine, daughter of Pierre Doucet, probably at Beaubassin in c1689.  Madeleine gave René eight children, all born at Chignecto, including three sons who created families of their own.237 

Sr. Jacques Michel dit Saint-Michel, born probably in France in c1658, married Catherine, daughter of Étienne Comeau, at Port-Royal in c1689.  Catherine gave Sr. Jacques 13 children, including four sons who created families of his own.  One wonders what Jacques dit Saint-Michel had done to earn his honorific, Sr., or sieur, and if he was kin to François dit La Ruine Michel of La Hève, born probably in France in c1651, who had come to the colony in c1686.238 

Pierre Cellier, also called Le Solier, dit Normand married Marie-Josèphe, also called Aimée, Lejeune in c1689.  They settled at Minas.  Marie-Josèphe gave Pierre 10 children, including two sons who created families of their own.239 

.

In April 1687, François-Marie Perrot finally was dismissed as governor of Acadia.  "He did not, however, return to France but remained in Acadia and continued his malpractices, despite warnings from the minister to desist or learn what it meant to incur the king's serious displeasure."  Perrot ignored the minister's warnings and was still in the colony in May 1690 when Sir William Phips captured Port-Royal and transported Perrot's successor, Meneval, to Boston.  Perrot managed to avoid capture and joined Meneval's successor, Villebon, on Rivière St.-Jean later that summer.  It was then that Perrot's luck ran out and his venality caught up to  him.  A few days after sailing into the lower river with Villebon and his troupes de la marine, "two pirate ships from the English colonies entered the river, captured the French vessels, and Perrot with them.  Believing that he had hidden large sums of money, they tortured him to make him divulge its whereabouts, with what success is not known.  Subsequently he was rescued by a French privateer and landed at a French port.  He then took up residence in Paris and sought, unsuccessfully, to obtain his reappointment as governor of Acadia."  Perrot died in his native city in October 1691, "allegedly as a result of his sufferings at the hands of the English freebooters."  He was only 47 years old.294d

The hapless Perrot's successor, Louis-Alexandre des Friches de Meneval, a native perhaps of the Orléanais region south of Paris, was, of course, a former soldier, having served at Indret, near Nantes.  Despite his unimpressive rank, however, Meneval's service as a King's lieutenant in France was so distinguished that he gained the attention of Marshal Turenne.  According to Meneval's biographer, it was the Marquis de Chevry who recommended the lieutenant's appointment as royal governor of Acadia, which came in March 1687.  The Minister of Marine instructed him "to encourage colonization and agriculture and prevent the English from trading and fishing in Acadia."  The new governor sailed to Acadia aboard a ship of the Compagnie de l'Acadie, which the marquis directed.  The vessel took Meneval not to his post at Port-Royal but to company headquarters at Chédabouctou.  From there, Meneval had to wait for the King's frigate, Friponne, on its return voyage from Québec to France, to take him around to Port-Royal, which he finally reached in October.  Already at the capital were two French officers who had preceded him:  M. de Gargas, a scribe for the Ministry of Marine, who served as the chief recorder in the colony from 1685-88 and who conducted another census of the colony in 1687; and M. de Miramont, who would command Port-Royal's small garrison of 30 troupes de la marine.  The governor and his men had been charged with the reconstruction of the fort at Port-Royal, but Meneval's first concern was to examine the mess Perrot had made of the colony's accounts and pay the salaries of the garrison's soldiers, which the former governor had allowed to fall in arrears.  Winter was nigh, so reconstruction of the fort would have to wait for spring.  Meneval gave thought to rebuilding the fort at Pentagöuet instead, or building a new fort on the St. George River, which the French still insisted was the boundary between Acadia and New England.295 

The following year, the Friponne returned to Port-Royal.  Aboard were 30 more troupes de la marine.  Now 90 troupes, including 20 at Chédabouctou, protected the colony.  Aboard the frigate was an engineer officer who would inspect the Acadian posts and draw up plans for the Port-Royal fort's reconstruction.  Also aboard the Friponne were two more officers, one military, the other civil.  M. de Soulègre would serve as captain of troupes.  Mathieu de Goutin, age 25, would serve as the King's lieutenant général civil et criminel, or general representative for justice, which made him both a judge and a clerk of court.  To complete the judicial organization of the colony, Meneval re-appointed Parisian lawyer Pierre Chênet Dubreuil as King's attorney.  Chênet Dubreuil had come to the colony earlier in the decade to escape a scandal in Canada in which he had fathered an illegitimate daughter.  At Port-Royal, he had become a schoolmaster and was a favorite of Acadia's first vicar general, Abbé Louis Petit.  Chênet Dubreuil also held a seigneurie at Mégais on the Maine coast and would become a favorite of Meneval.295a

Not so the general representative for justice.  Among Meneval's more trying ordeals during his three years in office were conflicts with the headstrong de Goutin and his father-in-law, Pierre Thibodeau.  In late 1689, for instance, about the time that de Goutin was considering marriage to Thibodeau's daughter Jeanne, the harried governor imprisoned Thibodeau briefly for trading brandy with the Indians.  This served to alienate not only de Goutin, but also a good part of the Acadian population, many of whom were related to Thibodeau and his wife, Jeanne Thériot.  Nor did the stuffy Meneval approve the marriage of his general representative for justice "to a peasant's daughter."  But Thibodeau was hardly a peasant.  A native of Poitou, he had come to the colony as a young soldier with Emmanuel Le Borgne nearly four decades before, built a mill at Prée-Ronde on the haute rivière, fathered 16 children, and was, at the time of his daughter's marriage to de Goutin, one of the wealthiest men in the colony.  His older daughters, all of them named Marie, had married into the Landry, Lejeune dit Briard, Robichaud dit Cadet, and Boudrot families, all well-established families like the Thibodeaus and the Thériots, some of them living in the Minas Basin, a community founded earlier in the decade.  Thibodeau had seven sons, none of them married yet, one of them a newborn, but they all were healthy and gave promise of creating families of their own.  Pierre Thibodeau was wealthy, then, in more ways than one.  De Goutin's connection to the settlers could not have been more solidly established.  This tested his judicial objectivity of course, something that Meneval, still the bachelor, was happy to point out to his superiors.295b 

Meneval also clashed with de Goutin's friends and associates, among them Antoine Laumet dit La Mothe de Cadillac, future founder of Détroit and governor of Louisiana.  The young Gascon--Cadillac was only in his mid-20s when he came to Acadia in c1683--was five years older than de Goutin and still a bachelor when the new general representative for justice reached Port-Royal, and the Gascon and the judge hit it off immediately.  Meanwhile, De Goutin formed a trading partnership with the Port-Royal garrison commander, M. de Soulègre.  "When Meneval informed Soulègre and de Goutin that as officers they were forbidden to engage in trade, the three partners schemed against him.  They sought to alienate the priest," Abbé Petit, "from him and, when this failed, tried to turn the people against the priests by urging them not to pay the tithe."  Meneval traduced de Goutin and his partners to the ministry, accusing them "of insubordination and intrigue."  As a result, factions arose among the officials and colonists, one in favor of Meneval, the other in favor of de Goutin and his friends.295c 

In a report to the Minister in autumn of 1688, Meneval "painted a pessimistic picture of his government:  the cost of living was high; there was a shortage of flour and of workers; some of the soldiers were old and disabled and had ceased to be of any use; the contingent of the preceding year had received bad muskets and that of 1688 had only 19 muskets between 30 soldiers, so that half of them were without arms; the surgeon was a drunkard, and the court had neglected to supply funds with which to pay him; a hospital and medical supplies were needed; his own gratuity had not been renewed, and he sought permission to go to France to report to the minister and settle some personal affairs.  The fight with de Goutin et al., and the lack of work on the Port-Royal defenses, only worsened Meneval's view of the colony and the role he was playing in its administration.  There were a few positive elements in his report which revealed that he harbored hope for the colony:  He had encouraged soldiers to marry the daughters of settlers, and some of them did.  He recommended that "fishing, the country's best resource, be developed by advancing loans to the settlers and protecting the coasts with armed barks."  He could report that the new settlement at Minas, particularly at Grand-Pré, was developing nicely, as was the older settlement at Chignecto.  But his letter ended with an ominous warning:  "the English 'very much wanted Acadia.'"295d 

Here was Meneval's greatest challenge as governor:  the colony's defense.  In the spring of 1688, the aggressive governor of Massachusetts, Sir Edmund Andros, crossed the French "boundary" on the St. George River and seized the old Acadian capital at Pentagouët.  That autumn, while Meneval was reporting at length to the Minister, Massachusetts pirates descended on the fishery center at Chédabouctou, pillaged the fort there, and captured the company's ship along with 12,000 livres worth of merchandise intended for the settlers at Port-Royal--all "under the very nose" of the King's frigate Friponne, captained by Barthélémy de Beauregard.  The humiliated Meneval blamed the captain for the mishap, and Beauregard blamed the governor.  And then there was the fort at Port-Royal.  Upon his arrival in October 1687, Meneval had put off reconstruction of the fort until the following spring, and then months grew into years.  In 1688, an experienced military engineer, M. Pasquine or Paquine, arrived aboard the Friponne, but Paquine only inspected the colony's defenses and returned to Paris to draw up detailed plans and a cost analysis for rebuilding the fort at Port-Royal.  The ministerial bureaucracy approved the plans and the projected expense, but the Minister sent another engineer to supervise the work.  Vincent de Saccardy reached Port-Royal via Chédabouctou in early October 1689--five months after English King William III declared war against France.  Saccardy's instructions were to build a fort at Port-Royal, not anywhere else.  Turning from Pasquine's original plans, "Saccardy had the old fort razed completely and drew up a plan for a vast enciente with four bastions, enclosing the governor's house, the church, a mill, and the guard-houses; it would also be able to hold barracks and receive the settlers in case of attack."  With the actions at Pentagouët and Chédabouctou serving as harbingers of troubles to come, there was no time to lose.  "Saccardy set to work briskly, and in 16 days, with the help of the soldiers, settlers, and 40 sailors, succeeded in building half of his enciente.  But [in November] the ships had to leave again," and Saccardy had orders to go with them.  The new fort at Port-Royal was left unfinished, its bastions and walls incomplete.  Also ordered to go to France with Saccardy was Meneval's second in command, 34-year-old Joseph Robinau dit Promville, sieur de Villebon, a former officer of dragoons and captain of troupes de la marine.  Villebon was a native of Canada, had been educated in France, and was nephew of La Vallière of Beaubassin.  He also was a competent young officer whose absence would be sorely missed.295e 

By the time Saccardy and Villebon departed for France, Meneval was ready to wash his hands of Acadia and its inhabitants.  In a letter to the Marquis de Chevry, "he said that he was determined to go to France even without authorization, 'preferring a hundred times to remain three years in the Bastille rather than one single week here.'"295f 

It was during the unhappy Meneval's time as governor that the two-decades-long interregnum of "peace" finally ended.  For nearly a quarter of a century, until 1713, the peace-loving Acadians again would live in a world gone mad all around them.

The Acadians and Their Sun King

The end of the long peace had much to do with the man to whom the Acadians tried to be loyal subjects.  Following the death of his co-regent, Cardinal Mazarin, in March 1661, Louis XIV, who would fashion himself the Sun King, dramatically streamlined the administrative institutions of his kingdom by creating a High Council of only three members with whom he met weekly.  Through the application of will and calculated ruthlessness, Louis created for France a divine-right monarchy the likes of which Europe had not seen since the time of the Roman emperors.  During his long reign, he never once called into session the ancient national legislature of France, the Estates-General.  Nor did he feel constrained to answer to his people.  His rule, he and his ministers believed, was absolute.  His famous words, if they were ever uttered, L'état, c'est moi ("I am the state"), would not have been an idle boast of the Sun King.  He created his magnificent palace at Versailles not only to control his unruly nobles and provide a center for the arts, but also to erect a personal monument of glory and splendor worthy of an absolute monarch.  The heady atmosphere of Versailles, however, did not blind the king to the realities of the French character.  He did his best to respect the ancient laws and customs of his kingdom and to consult regularly with his ministers, especially with Jean-Baptiste Colbert, his minister of finance, who became as close as the King allowed to a chief minister.142

One of the goals of Louis's reign was to establish borders for France that he could defend against attack from his enemies.  The English with their superb navy were not the worst of these enemies.  He was especially vexed by the powerful Habsburg kingdoms of Spain and Austria, whose far-flung possessions--much of the Low Countries (today's Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands), and most of Germany and Italy--hemmed France in on three sides.  The dangerous northern frontier in what was then called the Spanish Netherlands, which stood so close to Paris and Versailles, worried Louis most, and it was there that most of his wars were fought.  Coupled with his determination to secure defensible borders for France was Louis's ambition to place on the throne of Spain one of his Bourbon heirs.  Louis had married Marie-Thérèse, the eldest daughter of King Philip IV of Spain, in 1660.  "The marriage was arranged via a treaty that explicitly excluded Marie's heirs from inheriting the Spanish crown once Philip had paid her dowry.  However, the full dowry was never paid.  Consequently, Louis refused to relinquish his family's claim to the Spanish inheritance...."143

The result was almost constant warfare during the last three decades of Louis's long reign of 72 years.  

During the War of the Devolution (1667-68) that followed the death of Philip IV of Spain, Louis invaded the Spanish Netherlands to secure the vulnerable northern border and to assert his family's claim to the Spanish throne.  The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ended the fighting soon after it began.  Louis returned some of the fortified towns he had captured in Belgium and secured rights to the Spanish throne if Philip's Hapsburg successor, Charles II, should die without an heir.  This sudden French aggression along their southern frontier alarmed the Dutch, who had fought long against Spanish rule to secure their independence and refused to be threatened by the French as well.  War erupted between Holland and France in 1672 and lasted for six long years.  "In a sweeping campaign, Louis almost succeeded in conquering Holland.  To protect themselves, the Dutch opened their dykes, flooded the countryside, and turned Amsterdam into a virtual island."  During the struggle, in August 1673, the Dutch were joined by Spain, Austria, and Lorraine, but not England.  Louis had signed a treaty with London in June 1670 "to keep the English navy neutral."  It was this agreement with the English that had restored French control of Acadia in 1670.  But Acadia and its royal governor, Jacques de Chambly, did not escape the war with the Dutch unscathed.144

La Guerre de Hollande, as the French called it, ended with the Peace of Nijmegen in 1678.  "Louis had achieved a defensible perimeter around the core of his inheritance," but he also had alienated his northern neighbors, those Protestant stalwarts, the Dutch.  And he was not done with Spain.  In October 1683, Louis invaded the Spanish Netherlands ... again ... and France was at war with Spain until the following August.145  

But it was religion that led to the most important decision of Louis's long reign, one that would plunge France deeper into conflict with her Protestant neighbors, with far reaching consequences for her colonial possessions.  Cardinal Mazarin had taught Louis the intricacies of statecraft, but his mother, Anne of Austria, a devout Catholic like all of her Habsburg kin, had given her son his spiritual education.  "Throughout his life Louis remained devoutly religious and attempted to eliminate Protestantism in France."  His grandfather, Henri IV, had been a Huguenot before he declared that Paris was well worth a mass.  Henri had granted the Protestants freedom of worship and protection from persecution with his Edict of Nantes in April 1598.  Louis's father had honored his own father's edict, and, despite continued pressures from the Catholic majority to conform to Roman orthodoxy, the Huguenots thrived in the fortified cities that Henry had granted to them for their protection.  "Within these cities dwelled highly skilled Huguenot craftsmen, who were an integral part of Colbert's economic program," a program that kept France happy and prosperous throughout much of the first half of Louis's reign.146  

The Sun King was determined to rule absolutely in the spiritual as well as the temporal realm.  He 'had grown increasingly impatient with Huguenot beliefs and had worked to limit both the participation of Huguenots in public life and their observance of their own religious practices.  In 1681--in the so-called dragonnades--Louis authorized the billeting of troops in the houses of Protestants, with the understanding that life would be made as difficult as possible for the householders unless, and until, they converted to Catholicism.  Other brutal measures followed...."  In 1685, two years after Colbert's death, while the Acadians thrived in the Port-Royal valley, at Chignecto, and in the infant communities of the Minas Basin, their King, "by an extravagant act of piety and sovereignty," issued the Edict of Fontainebleau, which revoked the Edict of Nantes and plunged their mother country into social and economic turmoil.  Protestant churches were destroyed, their schools were closed, and forced conversion to Catholicism became the law of the land.  Religious toleration in France was now a thing of the past.  Between 1685 and 1710, hundreds of  thousands of Huguenots fled France rather than convert to the Roman Catholic faith.  Most of them went to Holland and Britain, "where they were greeted as martyrs.  The loss of many highly productive citizens depressed the French economy."  By this time, "France was recognized as the dominant continental power, and its strength threatened other European nations.  The Catholic powers, especially Austria, were fearful of Louis's designs upon Spain's possessions.  Meanwhile, the Protestant states, especially England and Holland, worried about the revival of religious warfare."  The English were so worried about French designs on their North American colonies that in November 1686 they negotiated with the Sun King a treaty at Whitehall that guaranteed "a True and Firm Peace and Neutrality" between the North American colonies if war should break out in Europe.  Nevertheless, by the late 1680s, as a result of Louis's aggressions and the heated nature of religious intolerance, only a spark was needed to ignite the powder keg of frustrations that lay between France and her enemies.147

"The Glorious Revolution" and King William's War

The spark came with Louis's attack across the Rhine in September 1688 to intervene in German politics and England's so-called Glorious Revolution of the same year.  Three years before, in 1685, the year Louis XIV had revoked the Edict of Nantes, King Charles II of England, who had been restored to the throne 25 years earlier, died without a legitimate child to succeed him.  His younger brother, James, Duke of York, became King James II of England and James VII of Scotland.  James had grown up a Protestant, had married a Protestant wife, Anne Hyde, daughter of an English earl, and raised his two daughters, Mary and Anne, as Protestants.  He converted to Catholicism, however, in 1668, when he was 35 years old and still married to Anne.  She died in 1671, and two years later James remarried to Maria of Modena, a devout Roman Catholic from Italy.  In 1677, however, he consented to the marriage of 15-year-old Mary to the diminutive, asthmatic, but Protestant cousin, William, Prince of Orange, stadtholder of Holland, Zeeland, and Utrecht, captain general, and admiral of the United Provinces of the Netherlands--the implacable enemy of Louis XIV.  When Parliament declared Mary and William next in line to the throne behind James, the English Protestant majority breathed a sigh of relief that the Duke of York would not be able to create a Catholic dynasty for England.  James's succession to the throne in 1685 was peaceful.  However, his attempts to rule autocratically like his father, coupled with his policy to place Catholics in influential positions, fueled his opposition and ruined what little popularity he had with the people.  The birth and baptism of a son in 1688, insuring that his heir would be Catholic, precipitated the so-called Glorious Revolution against the unpopular king.  Staunch Protestant nobles, with the consent of Parliament, invited William of Orange and an army of 15,000 Dutchmen to land in northern England, march to London, and seize the throne from the hapless James, who could muster virtually no support.  James fled, was captured, and allowed to escape to France.  In 1689, with the consent of Parliament, William and Mary ruled jointly as William III and Mary II.  Louis XIV, ever the staunch Catholic, refused to recognize the legitimacy of the Protestant accession and clung to the fiction that James, not William, was the legitimate king of England, Scotland, and Wales.

It was William who, back in 1672, had opened the dykes in Holland to save Amsterdam from the invading French.  After the conclusion of the six-year struggle with the Sun King, William had strived to build a European coalition against Louis to block further French aggression on the continent.  This effort came to fruition in 1689, the year William succeeded to the English throne.  By then he had created a "Grand Alliance" with Austria, Holland, Spain, and Savoy to halt the French offensive in western Germany.  In May, his alliance fully formed, William declared war against France.  For the next eight years, war raged between William's alliance and the forces of Louis XIV.  But the conflict was not confined to Europe and the high seas.  Despite the Treaty of Whitehall of 1686, it erupted also in America ... and war came to Acadia again.148

.

The English made the first aggressive move that brought war to French Acadia.  Soon after ascending to the throne, James II had revealed his autocratic tendencies by abolishing self-government in the New English colonies.  He appointed a fellow autocrat, Sir Edmund Andros, as governor of a new colonial entity that would be ruled by decree, not assembly--the Dominion of New England.  This new dominion subsumed the colonies of Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, New Haven, Connecticut, and New Hampshire--that is, New England--and eventually New York and East and West Jersey.  The people of these colonies were very unhappy, not only with the loss of self-rule but also with the despotic character of Sir Edmund.  Political chaos ensued, and Andros became even more tyrannical in his treatment of the colonists.  He also alienated the Indians of the region and looked for any excuse to antagonize the French, violating the spirit of the treaty signed at Whitehall that guaranteed neutrality for the colonies in America if war should break out in Europe.149

In the spring of 1688, while James II still occupied the English throne, Andros descended on Pentagouët, which, during the governorships of Grandfontaine and de Chambly (1670-78), had been the capital of French Acadia.  Though subsequent governors moved the capital to Beaubassin and then back to Port-Royal, the French still clung to Pentagöuet as an outpost along the Maine frontier.  Jean-Vincent de Saint-Castin was still seigneur there, and his hold on the Abenaki in the area was nearly absolute.  Andros insisted that the Penobscot River region belonged to his dominion, and he used this boundary dispute as an excuse to commence hostilities with the French and their Indian allies.  After seeing the ramshackle condition of Saint-Castin's fort, however, Andros changed his mind about holding Pentagouët.  But before he returned to New England, he plundered Saint-Castin's house and thereby antagonized the capitaine de sauvages and his fierce Abenaki relatives.  Further depredations by English officials against the Indians in Maine and the establishment by Andros of New English garrisons along the coast of that province stirred the Abenaki against the English, and in 1689 war erupted in earnest.150  

The first English town to suffer at the hands of the Abenaki was Dover, New Hampshire, on the border with Maine.  In late June 1689, warriors from two bands sneaked up on the village during the night and massacred many of the settlers.  After subduing the men, the Indians burned the garrison-houses and forced many of the women and children into captivity, where they were kept or sold as slaves, as the English had done to their people years before.151

Saint-Castin, meanwhile, planned his revenge against the English.  In early August 1689, he fell on Pemaquid, now Woolwich, Maine, at the mouth of the Kennebec River, the farthest English outpost along the Maine coast.  With him were two bands of Abenaki with their war paint on.  They completely surprised the settlers, killing many of them in the open fields, and the next day forced the surrender of the survivors who, fleet of foot, had managed to make it into their stockade, Fort Charles.  Again, the victorious Indians took women and children into captivity and treated them as slaves.  The English were appalled by such barbarity, though they, too, in previous wars with the Indians had acted just as barbarously.  That same August, in fact, their allies, the fierce Iroquois, 1,500 strong, descended on the Canadian town of Lachine, near Montréal, and butchered or captured nearly everyone in the place, prompting the French authorities to abandon some of their fortifications on the upper St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes.152  

In the weeks that followed, the Maine frontier erupted in almost continuous warfare.  So far, the fight there had been between the Indian allies of the French--the Abenaki bands of Maine--and the hapless New Englanders, first under the despised Andros, then, after his ouster when the New Englanders learned of the Glorious Revolution, under the new governors of the restored, independent colonies.  In the summer of 1689, however, word arrived in Boston that, in the spring, war had officially been declared between England and France--the War of the Grand Alliance, called King Williams's War in the colonies.  Word of the war came to Québec in July.  In October the newly-arrived governor-general of New France, 69-year-old Louis de Buade, comte de Palluau et de Frontenac, who had left the position seven years before, stood poised to jump into the fight against the English colonies alongside his Indian allies.153

Frontenac, an old soldier of formidable talents, chose late winter as the moment in which to surprise the English colonies from his base on the St. Lawrence.  From Montréal, using the relatively swift route via the Richelieu River, Lake Champlain, and Lac-du-St.-Sacrament, today's Lake George, 300 Canadian militia, coureurs de bois, and "Christianized" Iroquois, led by French officers, hit Schenectady, then called Corlaer, New York, on a frigid night in February 1690.  The result can be described as nothing less than a massacre.  The New Yorkers suffered so keenly from the raid that it essentially took them out of the war, leaving New England to fight it out alone.  Another, smaller column of Frontenac's fighters, this one from Trois-Rivières, struck Salmon Falls, New Hampshire, near the burned-out village of Dover, in late March and destroyed that settlement, too.  The third of Frontenac's expeditions, out of Quebec, hit in late May the Maine village of Casco, at present-day Portland, which was defended by ramshackle Fort Loyal.  Despite the neglected condition of the palisade fort, the survivors of the initial ambush defended Fort Loyal gallantly for three days before surrendering to the French officers in charge of the expedition.  The English commander asked for terms, but the French refused to hold back their Indian allies.  More Maine settlers, men, women, and children, became Indian slaves, and for the next several months, the Abenaki pillaged as many Maine and New Hampshire settlements as they could reach.154

After over a year of fighting in earnest in New York and on the New Hampshire-Maine frontier, King William's War was proving to be a disaster for the English.  It was time for them to devise a new strategy that would take the war to the enemy.  "Up to this time," notes a principal historian of the conflict, "the people of New England seem to have had no thought of invading Canada themselves, or felt much fear of being invaded from there.  Thus far the war, on their part, had been a purely defensive one.  But it was now clear to everyone that the real struggle was not so much between the English and Indians, as between the English and French, who kept the Indians constantly supplied with the means of carrying on hostilities, while enjoying entire immunity from its ravages themselves.  The relation was as close as that between the hand and the weapon.  Two flourishing provinces lay at the mercy of hostile incursions, which no power could foresee or prevent.  The entire depopulation of both was imminent.  All this continuous harrying of defenceless[sic] villages, with its ever-recurring and revolting story of captivity and massacre, was fast turning the border back into a wilderness, which, indeed, was what the enraged savages aimed at.  Every attempt to reach and destroy these vigilant foemen in their own fastness proved worse than futile.  New England was losing ten lives for one; and in property more than fifty to one."155  

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Accordingly, in early May 1690, delegates from New York and three of the New England colonies met at New York City to plan an English offensive against New France.  New York pledged 400 men, and Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut a total of 350 militiamen for an attack on Montréal via Albany and Lake Champlain.  The Iroquois later promised to join the expedition with nearly all their warriors.  It would be Frontenac's turn to suffer the trauma of invasion.155a

But the New Englanders did not invade Canada first.  They chose, instead, a closer, much easier target which, in truth, contained Frenchmen who had done them no harm.  The New Englanders, however, did not see it that way.  "For years Acadia and its harbors had been a safe retreat for privateers and corsairs, who robbed and ill-used the New England fishermen until those seas were become no longer safe," the good Puritans believed.  "Bad as it had been, the evil was now made tenfold worse by a state of war.  For depredations of this sort, Acadia, or Nova Scotia, is remarkably well placed, and as New England subsisted mostly by her fisheries the alternatives were either to see them destroyed or to put them beyond the reach of future spoliation."  This was the same Acadia to which New England trading ships had sailed for years to ply their wares among the peaceful farmers of Chignecto and Minas.  Miraculously, those vessels had entered and exited the Bay of Fundy without being molested ... but truth is an enemy of rationalization.156

On April 23, before the conference in New York and the attack on Casco, but after the French and Indian assault on Salmon Falls, an expedition of seven ships bearing 78 cannon and 736 men, 446 of them New English militia, set sail from Nantasket, Massachusetts, for Port-Royal.  In command of this expedition was a remarkable fellow, 38-year-old Sir William Phips, born "of humble parents" on the Kennebec in Maine.  Phips had once been a humble ship's carpenter but, through luck and pluck, had risen to the rank of a gentleman in his native New England.  His most notable exploit, besides marrying a rich widow, had been the recovery of  a fantastic treasure from the hull of a sunken Spanish ship off the coast of Haiti, an effort which earned him his title.  After "calling at Pentagouët and other posts," Phips's expedition passed through the Gut and arrived in the lower basin on May 9.  The Acadian governor, Louis-Alexandre des Friches de Meneval, "alerted the same evening by the sentries, had a gun fired to warn the settlers, but only three hastened to the fort."   Meneval's biographer asserts that "42 young men of Port-Royal were absent," implying that many of the settlers along Rivière Dauphin fled their homes when they heard the signal cannon.  The following day, Phips moved his flotilla up the basin.  Port-Royal's new fort was still unfinished, and "its 18 cannon had not been brought into firing position."  Moreover, Meneval had only 70 soldiers to defend the colonial capital, which was virtually defenseless against any size invasion.156a

On May 10, Phips and his officers hurried ashore to plan an assault against the hapless garrison.  Seeing the size of Phips's flotilla, Meneval asked for terms.  His designee in the negotiations, Abbé Louis Petit, the vicar general in Acadia, attempted to extract from Phips the promise that he would spare private property, leave the church untouched, and send Meneval and his troops to Québec or to France.  "[D]eclaring that his word as a general was sufficient," Phips refused to sign a written agreement, but he accepted a verbal "capitulation under the following conditions:  the fort, the cannon, and the merchandise belonging to the king and the company would be handed over to him; the officers and soldiers would retain their liberty and be transported to Québec; the settlers would keep their possessions and enjoy the free exercise of their religion."  Hearing the terms, Meneval surrendered the post.  On May 11, Phips ordered Meneval to report to him aboard his flagship and repeated "his promises" in front of Meneval's second in command, the King's general representative for justice, Mathieu de Goutin.  Phips and his officers then entered Port-Royal, and what they saw there did not please them.  "When Phips saw how weak the fort and the garrison were, he was sorry that he had granted such generous terms."   Upon discovering that some of the French soldiers had pillaged the company's warehouse and that Port-Royal merchants had carried off property into the surrounding woods during the parley with Meneval, Phips nullified the surrender agreement, ordered the French soldiers held in the church, confined Meneval to his house, and arrested de Goutin.  Phips then ordered his men ashore and turned them loose on the village.  Over a 12-day period, "We cut down the cross," remembered one of the Puritans, "rifled their church, pulled down their high altar, and broke their images."  They also burned 28 houses near the fort as well as the church and pillaged and plundered the remaining dwellings and storage buildings with impunity.  To protect his force from any irate settlers who lived near the fort, Phips threatened to make them all prisoners of war if the men did not assemble in the church and swear allegiance to the King and Queen of England.  Most took the oath, but it did them no good; their property, too, was pillaged and burned along with that of the few who had refused to take the oath.  Phips left Port-Royal in charge of a council of officials and settlers who were instructed to answer only to the government of Massachusetts.  Head of Phips's council was Sergeant Charles Chevalier dit La Tourasse, later a French army officer; among the councilors were Mathieu de Goutin, released from arrest; Pierre Chênet Dubreuil, the King's attorney; Alexandre de Bélisle, the seigneur of Port-Royal, who, with Pierre Melanson, had acted as interpreters during the surrender negotiations; René Landry le jeune; and Daniel LeBlanc.  While Phips oversaw the destruction of Port-Royal, he sent an expedition under Captain Cyprian Southack aboard the Porcupine to attack La Hève, Chédabouctou, and other Acadian settlements on the Atlantic side of the peninsula.  This was not the first time New Englanders had struck the important fishery center at Chédabouctou.  A pirate attack in the autumn of 1688 had devastated the fishery center; Southack's attack essentially ended its operations.  Another of Phips's lieutenants, Captain John Alden, Jr. of Plymouth, who already had seized Saint-Castin's post at Pentagöuet, took his sloop Mary into the Bay of Fundy to overawe the settlements at Minas and Chignecto, where the Acadians were compelled to take Phips's oath of allegiance.  With Meneval, two priests (Abbé Petit and his assistant, Father Claude Trouvé), 21 cannon, and 59 captured French troupes de la marine in tow, the victorious treasure hunter hurried back to Boston, leaving no troops behind to hold the Acadian capital.157     [map] 

On June 15, the French warship Union out of La Rochelle appeared at Port-Royal, weeks too late to save the post from New English depredation.  Aboard the ship were engineer Saccardy, who had left the new fort uncompleted and had been ordered to return to finish it, and Meneval's former second in command, Captain Villebon, now in charge of the colony.  On June 18, the Union moved on to Rivière St.-Jean and worked its way up to Jemseg, from where Saccardy and Villebon hoped to secure the rest of the colony.  As it turned out, they had only set themselves up in a dangerous cul-de-sac.  Taking advantage of Phips's easy victory over Meneval, at the end of June English freebooters in two ships belonging to Lieutenant Governor Jacob Leisler of New York attacked the Union anchored off of Jemseg.  The pirates captured Saccardy and the vessel and sent Villebon flying upriver to Québec.  Leisler's freebooters descended on the defenseless former capital, plundered what was left of it, and hanged two unidentified Acadian settlers before continuing on their way.157a

Port-Royal was only a secondary objective for the determined New Englanders.  Their principal objective was Québec, which they would assault with an even larger force of 34 ships, including 4 men of war, and 2,200 men.  The Massachusetts council gave to the despoiler of Port-Royal the command of this formidable force.  Phips's expedition against Québec would cooperate with a land force from Connecticut and New York that would assault Montréal via Lake Champlain--the invasion of Canada that had been planned at the New York conference in May.  The land expedition met one disaster after another, however, and got no farther than the head of Lake Champlain.  Only a small party of 29 militiamen and 120 Indians under Captain John Schuyler of New York made it to the St. Lawrence valley, where they fell upon the settlement of La Prairie, across from Montréal, burned the houses, barns, and hayricks, slaughtered the cattle, and killed or captured 25 Canadians, including several women, before hurrying back to the main force on Lake Champlain.  Meanwhile, Phips's fleet took longer to assemble and leave Boston than he had anticipated.  He did not depart the rendezvous at Nantasket until August 9, and, because he failed to take along a St. Lawrence River pilot, he did not reach the river below Québec until mid October, late in the campaigning season.  Governor-General Frontenac and his lieutenants, meanwhile, made Montréal safe and transformed Québec into a fortress.158  

Phips was no match for the wily old Frontenac.  Having lost a substantial number of men on shipboard from a break out of small pox, Phips's first effort at Quebec was not military but diplomatic.  Before a single shot was fired, on the morning of his arrival, Monday, October 16, he sent an envoy with terms of surrender to Frontenac, who rebuffed such arrogance then invited the English commander to do his best to take the city.  That afternoon, Louis-Hector de Callière, the governor of Montréal, arrived with 300 fresh men, including regulars and hot-blooded coureurs de bois aching for a fight, raising Frontenac's force in Quebec to a formidable 3,000.  But Phips stayed, and for six days he and his militia commander, Major John Walley, menaced Québec from land and water.  Phips called another council of war and cobbled together a plan that he was certain would give him the fortress city.  Walley would land his 1,300 Massachusetts militiamen at Beauport, just downriver from Québec, swing his column around to a ford on the St. Charles River behind Québec and attack the city's rear, which Phips wrongly assumed was unprotected.  Walley's militiamen landed on the morning of Wednesday, October 18 and fought their way up the slope towards the St. Charles, driving off a small force of French sharpshooters sent out to delay them.  Before the New Englanders could cross the St. Charles, however, Phips lost patience and ordered his warships to open fire on Frontenac's defenses.  The exchange of cannon fire rumbled for two days, crippling Sir William's warships and doing little damage to the tough old count's defenses.  Walley, unable to regain contact with Phips's vessels because of the fierce bombardment, and, not equal to the task given him, waited helplessly in his camp above Beauport, his men freezing, starving, and suffering from the small pox that they had contracted during their long stay in the lower St. Lawrence.  On Friday, October 20, while Walley consulted with Phips aboard the commander's battered warship, Walley's officers pushed their Puritans to the ford on the St. Charles, where Frontenac met them with three battalions of French regulars and a Canadian flanking force under two of the Le Moyne brothers.  The New Englanders fought valiantly, but they were no match for the French regulars and the Canadian militia, who laid one ambush after another.  The following day, Saturday, October 21, Walley withdrew his militiamen from in front of Québec against token opposition; Frontenac and his Frenchmen were exhausted, too.  Phips and his beaten Puritans lingered aboard their ships for two days, the men resting, the officers counseling their harried commander, until Phips finally weighed anchor and fell back down the St. Lawrence on Tuesday, October 24.  Phips anchored several leagues below the Île d'Orléans to repair his battered ships so that they could be made seaworthy for the long sail back to Boston.  Leaving the English unmolested, Frontenac agreed to a prisoner exchange, mostly women and children captured in the fighting in Maine.  Phips's expedition suffered more damage at the hands of Nature when it retreated into the Gulf of St. Lawrence.  A storm drove at least one ship onto Anticosti Island, and some of his vessels were blown down the coast all the way to the West Indies!  The only success of the expedition was Captain William Mason's assault on the French settlement of Percé, on the tip of the Gaspé Peninsula, which he destroyed with two frigates.159

The victory at Quebec saved Canada, but the English still clung to Acadia.

While Phips was dallying on his way to Quebec, a royal proclamation in London, dated 7 October 1690, decreed that Acadia was now part of Massachusetts.  Colonel Edward Tyng of Maine was named the new governor of English Acadia.  He went to Port-Royal in 1691, but his stay was a short one.  When "the inhabitants would give him no guarantee against Indian attacks," he decided to return to Boston.  Meanwhile, the authorities in Massachusetts were determined to chastise the Abenaki.  They chose as the leader of a new expedition the noted Indian fighter from the old Pilgrim settlement of Duxbury, 51-year-old Major Benjamin Church.  Fourteen years earlier, Church had won fame by defeating the Wampanoag chief Metacomet, whom the whites dubbed King Philip, during the bloodiest Indian war in New England history.  In September 1689, Church had fought the Abenaki in a small expedition in the Casco Bay area with mixed results.  He now took command of a force of 300 men and headed back to Casco Bay, which he reached on 11 September 1690.  This expedition, which lasted two weeks, was no more successful than Church's earlier venture against the Abenaki.  For the rest of 1690 and into 1691, the Abenaki still held the upper hand in the war along the Maine frontier.160

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With the defeat of Phips at Québec, Frontenac turned his attention to the liberation of Acadia.  In April 1691, back in France, the captured Meneval's second in command, Captain Joseph Robinau de Villebon, had been appointed by the King as commander in Acadia.  The choice was a wise one.  Though educated in France, Villebon was a typical Canadian officer.  Haling from a line of Canadian aristocrat-warriors, he was familiar with rugged frontier service, during which he had earned the esteem of the Indians.  He returned to Canada aboard the Soleil d'Afrique, under command of fellow Canadian Simon-Pierre Denys de Bonaventure, who the year before had accompanied another Canadian, Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville, to Hudson Bay and then sailed on to France with a cargo of furs.  Villebon and Denys de Bonaventure crossed without incident and reported to Frontenac at Québec.  The governor-general ordered Villebon to hurry back to Acadia with Denys de Bonaventure, secure Port-Royal, where the English had left no garrison, and unite with Saint-Castin and the Abenaki to take the war to New England.  At Port-Royal, Villebon removed the English flag, replaced it with the fleur-de-lis, and left the post in charge of Sergeant Charles La Tourasse, whom Phips had appointed as head of his council the year before.  Having been ordered not to set up his headquarter at Port-Royal, Villebon chose Rivière St.-Jean, with its valuable portage, as his base of operations.  Either at the mouth of or in the lower stretches of the St.-Jean, Denys de Bonaventure captured a New English merchantman.  Aboard was a rich prize:  merchant John Nelson, long familiar with Acadia and its settlers, who had recently secured permission to post a New English garrison at Port-Royal in exchange for a monopoly of the region's trade.  Denys de Bonaventure also captured Captain John Alden, Jr. of Plymouth, former Phips associate and master of the captured merchantman; Alden's son William; and the erstwhile English governor of Acadia, Colonel Edward Tyng.  Villebon released the elder Alden in Nelson's ketch to continue on to Boston to arrange a prisoner exchange.  Nelson, Tyng, and the younger Alden he held as hostages.  Remembering the disaster at Jemseg the year before that almost resulted in his capture, Villebon moved farther upriver to a more easily-defensible site at Nashouat, where he built Fort St.-Joseph across from the small Acadian community of Ste.-Anne-du-Pays-Bas, today's Fredericton, New Brunswick.  After learning that there would be no prisoner exchange, Villebon sent his hostages up the great portage to Québec, and Denys de Bonaventure returned to sea.161 

As Villebon's biographer reminds us:  "a solder was needed in Acadia, a man who was capable of holding out with very little aid.  The choice of Villebon seems to have been a good one; a native of the country, he knew Acadia," having served there under Perrot and Meneval during the late 1680s.  His instructions from the King were precise and revealed confidence in the young captain of troupes de la marine:  "Villebon was 'to take advantage of the favourable dispositions of the Canibats (the Abenaki Indians, allies of the French) towards serving His Majesty, of their hatred of the English and the proximity of the New England centres, to use them in waging continual and violent war against the aforementioned English, creating at the same time a diversion to secure Canada from their ventures...."161a  

In early January 1692, while Villebon and his men worked on Fort St.-Joseph, weather permitting, a French privateer, Pierre Maissonat dit Baptiste, appeared at nearby Passamaquoddy Bay with a prize he was taking to Port-Royal.  Here was another factor that Villebon had to address--the presence of these provocateurs in Acadian waters and their recruitment of local settlers.  Based at Port-Royal and Chignecto, "They gathered their crews from among the young Acadians of these settlements who were attracted by their free life and the hope of plunder.  The activities of the privateers were opposed by the clergy who felt that they had a bad influence on the local youth."  Baptiste, as he was called, had married a woman from Port-Royal but was reported to have several other "wives" in France and Holland.  He evidently had been operating in North Atlantic waters for some time, having been imprisoned in Boston and purporting to know the waters off of New York.  Baptiste appeared in the St.-Jean in early May, where he outfitted two small vessels and set out again to prey on New English shipping.  Here was another guarantee that Rivière St.-Jean would be a prime target for English retribution.161b

Not long after Maissonat's appearance at Passamaquoddy, Villebon and Saint-Castin took the war to the enemy's door with as much energy and violence as Frontenac's attacks two years before.  In February 1692, a force of Indians from Pentagöuet, under the leadership of Saint-Castin and again accompanied by Father Louis-Pierre Thury, laid waste the Maine town of York, massacring many of the settlers and taking more women and children into captivity.  In late May, a sea-borne expedition of three ships that Phips had sent to destroy Villebon's new fort and to clear out privateers appeared in the lower St.-Jean.  Villebon was back at Nashouat, but most of his soldiers and Indians were still in Maine.  He prepared to meet the English with the small force at hand.  In early July, however, the English ships disappeared from the lower river. They sailed across the bay to Port-Royal, instead, "where an effort was made to induce the settlers to submit to English rule, but no definite promise could be obtained from them.  With the announcement that a strong garrison would soon be sent from Boston, [the English] took their departure."162  

In June, Baptiste Maissonat returned to Rivière St.-Jean with a 45-ton brigantine loaded with wheat and flour that he had captured in sight of Boston--the ninth English vessel he had captured in six months!  Later that month, a force of Abenaki under Saint-Castin, with a hand full of Canadian officers under René Robinau de Portneuf, Villebon's younger brother, descended on the fortified Maine outpost of Wells.  This nut proved too hard to crack, however, and Portneuf and his force gave up the siege.  But they had done damage enough to liberate this part of Acadia from English occupation, except for Pemaquid, where, in late summer of 1692, at great expense, the New Englanders began erecting a sturdy edifice of stone which they named Fort William Henry.  In October, Frontenac sent a sea borne expedition under Canadian Pierre Le Moyne, sieur d'Iberville, to subdue the new fort.  With the ships Poli and Envieux, Iberville rendezvoused with Villebon at Baie-Verte, at the north end of the Chignecto isthmus.  Commander of the Envieux was Villebon's old associate, Denys de Bonaventure.  Their plan was to rendezvous with another squadron, under Jean Du Paty or Patés, pick up Maissonat at Pentagöuet to serve as coastal pilot, destroy the new English fort at Pemaquid, and then raid along the coast of New England.  At Mount Desert Island, up the coast from Pemaquid, Iberville interrogated a boat load of suspicious Canadian captives and concluded that the new English fort's stone walls and a reinforced garrison, plus the presence of powerful New English ships in the area, likely would overwhelm his force.  Moreover, Maissonat could not make the rendezvous at Pentagöuet because of English activity at Port-Royal.  Iberville abandoned the proposed attack on Pemaquid, but, in fact, Fort William Henry was still unfinished and could easily have been captured by the force at hand.  Also, against Phips's orders, the New English vessels in the area had returned to Boston.  Iberville granted permission to Saint-Castin and his Abenaki to attack Pemaquid, and then he and Denys de Bonaventure sailed down the coast as far as Nantucket to harass New English shipping.  He even lay off the harbor at Boston, hoping to destroy more English vessels, before sailing on to France.163

Determined to neutralize Saint-Castin and his Abenaki, still ravaging the Maine coast, Sir William Phips, recently appointed governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony, turned to two of the Acadian captives being held in Boston in November 1692.  Jacques Petitpas and his brother-in-law, Charles Serreau de Saint-Aubin, both from Passamaquoddy, had fallen into New English hands during another offensive against the French along the Maine and lower Fundy coasts, this one led by the notorious Colonel Benjamin Church, the previous summer.  Petitpas's and Serreau de Saint-Aubins's families, including the 71-year-old seigneur of Passamaquoddy, Jean Serreau de Saint-Aubin, also had been captured and taken to Boston.  The governor, in a desperate attempt to get at Jean-Vincent de Saint-Castin, sent Petitpas and Charles Serreau de Saint Aubin "with two French deserters" to capture the capitaine de sauvages, "keeping their families as hostages."  The two Acadians doubtlessly gave serious thought to the mission before turning on the wily governor.  Instead of going after Saint-Castin, "they betrayed the plan" to Commandant Villebon at Nashouat and handed over the deserters, who were promptly executed.  "Villebon rewarded the two Acadians with a sum of money sufficiently large 'to enable them to deliver their wives and children from the English.'"  Evidently the Acadians could not garner enough funds to ransom all of their loved ones from the Puritan lights.  In 1695, the old seigneur paid 30 livres to ransom his daughter, probably Geneviève, widow of Jacques Petitpas, who had died the year before.163a

The war died down during the winter of 1692-93.  Villebon left another brother, Daniel Robinau de Neuvillette, in charge of the fort at Nashouat and spent the winter at Chignecto, where he could be "in constant communication with Minas and Port Royal and the other settlements.  He dispatched messages to the Indians in various parts of Acadia asking them to join him in the spring to take part in a new expedition."  Beaubassin once again served as Acadian headquarters.  Villebon sent Abraham Boudrot, a pilot and merchant from Port-Royal who had traded extensively with New Englanders, on a spy mission to Boston.  Boudrot's job was "to obtain information about conditions there, and learn if any plans were being made."  Weeks later, the wily Acadian returned from New England with much useful information.  In the spring of 1693, Villebon learned that a merchant from Boston who traded regularly with Port-Royal was coming to Chignecto.  Such was the importance of trade between Acadia and New England that even a full-blown war could not stop it.  "The settlers were in urgent need of various necessities," so the commandant "decided to make a trip to Minas so that he might not be present when the vessel arrived, for it would be impolitic for him to sanction such unauthorized trade.  When he returned at the end of April, he learned that the vessel had arrived, but, instead of unloading goods, a party of men had disembarked and fired on the settlers, leaving an impression that they were pirates."  This would not be the last time in this war that Englishmen molested the settlers of Chignecto.164

In August 1693, most of the Abenaki chiefs signed a peace treaty at Pemaquid with Governor Phips and left five of their leaders as hostages to seal the agreement.  The French authorities in Canada were alarmed by this development.  Employing Father Thury and the Saint-Castins, the French did their best to stir the Abenaki against their former enemy.  Meanwhile, the fleet the English had gathered at Boston for another go at Québec was sent, instead, to the West Indies to capture the French island of Martinique.  Tropical disease devastated the ranks of the English soldiers and sailors, and when the fleet returned to Boston, it was in no shape to take on Frontenac again.  Other than an expedition in the far north by England's Hudson's Bay Company to recapture three posts in St. James Bay which Iberville had taken from them a few years before, and a mission to France by Baptiste Maissonat to confer with the Minister of Marine about plans to attack New England, the war in North America seemed to be over.  Peace had finally come to mainland Acadia, if not the waters surrounding the peninsula.  New English settlers, wanting to believe that the war was over, rebuilt and even expanded the farms and villages that the French and Indians had pillaged over the past four years.  They also prudently strengthened their garrison towns along the New Hampshire-Maine frontier and waited to see if the Abenaki had truly buried the hatchet.165  

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Peace had come to peninsula Acadia as well, or so it seemed.  The council of inhabitants that Phips had set up and Villebon had left in place continued to run Port-Royal, to which the English never bothered to send a garrison.  The settlers there and at Chignecto and Minas went about their business of building new aboiteaux and transforming more salt marsh into pasture and field.  In 1693, Commander Villebon took advantage of a break in the fighting and ordered a new census to be taken of the Acadian settlements from Pentagöuet to La Hève.  Port-Royal, with its wide basin and gentle-flowing river, remained the largest settlement with 504 inhabitants, and this despite the recent depredations at the hands of the English.  The Minas settlements, which probably included Pigiguit, numbered 307 settlers, Chignecto 119, Cap-Sable 32, Rivière St.-Jean 21, Pentagöuet 14, Passamaquoddy and the Ste.-Croix 7, and La Hève 6, a total of 1,022 men, women, and children counted in the colony, compared to 373 in the first census at Port-Royal in 1671 and not quite 900 in the census of 1686.  Contrast this with the number of Frenchmen in all of New France at the time, about 15,000, and in the English Atlantic colonies, over 100,000!166

No matter, new settlers had come to greater Acadia during the early years of King William's War.  As did earlier arrivals, many of them married daughters of the colony's established families and helped populate settlements both old and new: 

André Célestin dit Bellemère, a blacksmith, married Pérrine Basile in France in c1685.  They came to Acadia in c1690 and settled at the new community of Minas.  Pérrine gave André seven children, including two sons who created their own families.240 

Sr. Alain Bugeaud of Bois, Saintonge, France, in turn a churchwarden, surgeon, and notary, came to Acadia in c1690, married Élisabeth or Isabelle, a daughter of Pierre Melanson, in c1695 and settled with the Melansons at Grand-Pré, where he held so many positions.  Élisabeth/Isabelle gave Alain six children, including four sons who created families of their own.  Alain's children and grandchildren continued to be addressed as sieur and mademoiselle.241 

François Robin, born probably in France in c1643, came to the colony in c1690, the year he married Marie, 45-year-old daughter of Isaac Pesseley, former major of Port-Royal, and widow of Jean Pitre.  They married at Port-Royal.  Marie had been born the year her father died while fighting alongside the Sieur d'Aulany against Charles La Tour, so she never knew the major.  She died at Port-Royal in 1707, age 62, a widow again.  François had died at Port-Royal the previous October, age 63.  They had no children, probably because of Marie's age at the time of their marriage.  However, she had given her first husband 11 children, and François had helped to raise them.242 

Pierre Brassaud or Brassaux married Gabrielle, daughter of Michel Forest dit Michel, at Port-Royal in c1691.  They settled on Rivière-de-l'Ascension at Minas and at nearby Pigiguit.  Gabrielle gave Pierre nine children, including a son who may have created a family of his own.243 

Joseph Gravois married Marie, daughter of André Mignier dit La Gassé, in c1691.  Marie gave Joseph a son, Joseph, fils, who survived childhood, married a daughter of Pierre Cyr, and created a family of his own.  They settled at Chignecto.244 

Vincent Longuépée married Madeleine, a daughter of René Rimbault, at Port-Royal in c1692.  They moved to Minas and then moved again to an even newer settlement at Cobeguit.  Madeleine gave Vincent six children, including a son, Louis, who married Anne, a daughter of Pierre Brassaud, in c1720, and created a family of his own.245 

Louis Mezerrolet or Mazerolle dit Saint-Louis married Geneviève Forest, 29-year-old widow of François Savary, at Port-Royal in c1692.  She gave Louis four children, including a son who created a family of his own.246 

Joseph Prétieux, later Précieux, of Charente, France, married Anne Gautrot probably at La Rochelle in c1688; Anne evidently was not kin to the other Gautrots in Acadia.  Anne gave Joseph two children, including a son who created a family of his own.247 

Michel Poirier dit de France, born in c1667, was a nephew of the long deceased Jean Poirier and younger first cousin of Jean's son Michel l'aîné of Chignecto, who was 17 years older than Michel dit de France.  In c1692, Michel dit de France married Marie, daughter of Guyon Chiasson dit La Vallée, probably at Chignecto, where they were counted a year after their marriage.  Marie gave Michel dit de France 12 children, including five sons who created families of their own.248 

Pierre Lavergne, servant of the Père du Breslay of Port-Royal in the early 1690s, married Anne Bernon at Port-Royal in c1693.  Anne gave him five children, including a son who created a family of his own.249 

Michel Deveau dit Dauphiné married Marie-Madeleine, daughter of Pierre Martin and Joachine Lafleur and widow of Guyon Chiasson dit La Vallée, probably at Chignecto in c1693.  Marie-Madeleine, who was from Sillery, near Québec, not Acadia, gave Michel six children, including four sons who created families of their own.250 

Jean Lamoureux dit Rochefort, of Rochefort, France, married Marie-Madeleine, daughter of Abraham Pichot, at Plaisance, Newfoundland, then part of greater Acadia, in c1693.  Jean was a fisherman and served as a major of the Plaisance militia.  Marie-Madeleine gave him five children, including a son who created a family of his own.251 

Jacques Léger dit La Rosette, born probably in France in c1668, served as a drummer in the sieur de Villeu's company of troupes de la marine in Fort St.-Joseph at Nashouat (now Fredericton, New Brunswick), on Rivière St.-Jean, during the early years of King William's War.  (Genealogist Bona Arsenault says that Jacques served in the Carignan-Salières Regiment, but Arsenault may have confused the regular regiment, which served in Canada, with the colonial detachments of Marine.)  Around 1693, after his discharge from the King's service, Jacques married Madeleine, daughter of Guillaume Trahan, père, at Port-Royal and took land on the south side of Rivière-au-Dauphin, above Port-Royal.  Jacques and Madeleine had 11 children, including four sons, all born at Port-Royal/Annapolis Royal, three of whom created families of their own.253 

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Except for a bloody raid by several bands of Abenaki into New Hampshire and Massachusetts in the summer of 1694, an expedition that autumn led by Iberville to retake the Hudson's Bay posts, and sundry raids along the Maine coast the following summer, the uneasy peace persisted for nearly three years.  In August 1695, English authorities imposed on the Acadian inhabitants at Port-Royal an oath of allegiance to King William III.  Many family heads signed or made their marks on the document that attested to their having taken the oath.  Louis Allain, Jean Babineau, called Babinot, Jean Bastarache, Jean Belliveau, Martin and Guillaume Blanchard, Bernard and Martin Bourg, François Broussard, Pierre Cellier, called Le Cellier, Étienne, Jean l'aîné, Pierre l'aîné, and Pierre le jeune Comeau, Jean Corporon, Pierre Doucet, Claude Dugas,  ___ Dupuis, Jean Fardel (an Englishman whose wife was a Gaudet), Pierre Gaudet, Jacob and Alexandre Girouard, Laurent Granger, Giraud (Jérôme) Guérin, Emmanuel Hébert, Claude and Pierre Landry, Daniel LeBlanc, Jacques Léger dit La Rosette, Pierre Martin, fils, Étienne Pellerin, Martin Richard, Charles Robichaud dit Cadet, François Robin, Germain Savoie, Pierre Sibilau, Claude and Bonaventure Thériot, and Jacques Triel dit Laperrière--all made their marks.  Abraham and his nephew Alexandre dit Bellehumeur Bourg, Laurent Doucet, René Forest, Bernard Gaudet, Claude Guédry (as Gaidry), Pierre Guilbeau, Jean Labat dit Le Marquis, Pierre Lanoue, Emmanuel Le Borgne de Bélisle (the recently deceased seigneur's son), Julien Lord, Mathieu Martin, Charles Melanson, Claude, père and Claude, fils Petitpas, Alexandre Richard, and Prudent Robichaud--all signed.167a 

But this inconvenience to the Acadian populace spilled only ink, not blood.  The following February, an incident occurred outside the gates of Fort William Henry that ended the tenuous peace and set the Maine frontier ablaze once again.  Three Abenaki chiefs appeared at the fort under a flag of truce to parlay for an exchange of prisoners.  Something went terribly wrong in their negotiations with the hotheaded new commander of the post, and in the resulting melee the New Englanders killed two of the chiefs.  Soon the inhabitants of the Maine-New Hampshire coast felt the wrath of the vengeful Abenaki.  York was hit, and Portsmouth, and Dover.  King William's War was on again.167  

Even worse for the hopes of New English security, Governor-General Frontenac, with urging from the King, launched another sea borne assault against Fort William Henry.  The redoubtable Iberville set sail from Québec in two warships in July 1696.  One of the vessels was commanded by Germain, son of Jacques Bourgeois, founder of the Chignecto settlement a generation before; one of his "crewmen" may have been French official Mathieu de Goutin.  Also with Iberville were Simon-Pierre Denys de Bonaventure, perhaps in command of the Envieux, and Baptiste Maissonat, recently back from France, who would serve as coastal pilot.  On the way down to Pemaquid, on July 14, Iberville waylaid two English men of war, including the frigate Newport, in the Bay of Fundy near the mouth of the St.-Jean.  He drove off one and dismasted the Newport, which he refitted as a third vessel for his expedition.  Continuing on to his objective, he picked up a force of Indians under Commander Villebon at Rivière St.-Jean and a contingent of Abenaki on the Penobscot under Saint-Castin and Father Thury.  Iberville's flotilla arrived at Pemaquid on August 14 and quickly invested the stone bastion by land and sea.  Amazingly, only 100 men defended the fort, and they were still under the command of the hotheaded incompetent who had killed the Abenaki chiefs, Captain Pascho Chubb.  On the afternoon of the 15th, Iberville's batteries were ready, and he demanded that Chubb surrender the fort or be blasted out.  The New Englander retorted with defiant words, and French shells soon exploded inside the fort.  That was enough for the New Englanders.  Fort William Henry surrendered after Chubb put up a cursory defense.  Only the intervention of the honorable Iberville prevented the Abenaki from massacring Chubb and his Yankees.  They were paroled, instead, and some were allowed to return to Boston.  The French dismantled the stout stone walls before returning to Penobscot.  From there, Iberville sent messages to the Massachusetts governor, William Stoughton, acting for Phips, offering to exchange the New English prisoners he still held for French prisoners languishing at Boston.  Stoughton ignored him.  Shrugging off the stubborn Englishman, Iberville released his remaining prisoners to Saint-Castin, who promised to return them safely to Boston.  Iberville then sailed his little flotilla to Newfoundland to launch another offensive against the English.168

The authorities at Boston, meanwhile, had enlisted Benjamin Church to organize yet another expedition against the Abenaki.  When Chubb and his parolees returned from Pemaquid, the Boston fathers threw the hapless captain in jail, where he languished for nearly a year, and they urged Church to hurry up his preparations for a strike against the enemy.  Meanwhile, five armed ships hurried from Boston to intercept Iberville's flotilla, but the clever Canadian got clean away.  In September, Church and his 500 New Englanders, with 50 Indian allies of their own, finally sailed out of Boston and headed north for the coast of Maine.  They hurried to Pemaquid and then to Penobscot Bay and up the river as far as Bangor, searching in vain for Abenaki to waylay and destroy.  Somehow the wily Indians had got word of his coming.  Moving east to Mount Desert Island and finding no enemy there, the angry Church swung out to sea again and sailed northeast ... to Acadia.169  

This time it was the settlements at Chignecto that bore the brunt of New England vengeance and Church's frustration at not finding the Abenaki.  When Church arrived at Chignecto, Germain Bourgeois, back from his adventures at Pemaquid, met the old Puritan on the shore and "produced a document which indicated that Phips after the fall of Port-Royal in 1690 had promised immunity to those who swore fealty to King William.  Church accompanied Bourgeois to his house, but his men lost no time in plundering and burning the settlement while the settlers took refuge in the woods."  Church remembered the scene vividly in his memoirs.  The people of Chignecto, he wrote years later, "were troubled to see their cattle, sheep, hogs, and dogs lying dead about their houses, chopped and hacked with hatchets."  Church could not contain his Puritan righteousness in the face of his hapless enemy.  "The inhabitants, both French and Indian, fled at his coming, but some of the former returned upon promise of good usage.  After reading them a sharp lecture upon the barbarities practiced by the savages upon the English, and forcibly contrasting it with his own magnanimity in now keeping his Indians from knocking them all in the head, Church took his departure for the St. John River."  One must wonder if the sights and smells of their burned-out dwellings and barns, of their dead animals, even of their pets, lying butchered all around them, would have brought the word "magnanimity" to the minds of these simple farmers who would take years to repair the damage the old Puritan had done.170

On the St.-Jean, Church skirmished with some workmen who were building a fort at the mouth of the river.  He killed one and wounded another, who revealed where the big guns for the new fort were hidden.  Church secured the pieces and called a council of war to see what his lieutenants thought of the notion of heading up the river to attack Villebon's fort at Nashouat.  They agreed that the season was too late and the river too low, so they gathered up their spoils and headed back to Boston.  To Church's chagrin, on his way down he encountered a reinforcement coming up the coast to meet him and was replaced in command by Lieutenant Colonel William Hathorne, who outranked him.  Hathorne turned the force around and headed back to Rivière St.-Jean to destroy Villebon's fort.  They attacked the fort on October 18.  Among the defenders was privateer Baptiste Maisonnat, who, with partner Jean Martel de Magos, seigneur of Machias and Villebon's son-in-law, owned a homestead near Nashouat.  Three years earlier, Maissonat had "remarried" to a daughter of Port-Royal settler François Bourg.  Also defending the colonial capital as well as their holdings on the river were the Canadian brothers Mathieu and Louis D'Amours, who held seigneuries below Nashouat.  Villebon was no friend of these fellow Canadians, but he needed, if not welcomed, their efforts.  After a spirited fight, Villebon and his fellow defenders sent Hathorne and his Yankees flying back to Boston.  And so ended the latest New English expedition against the French in Acadia.  Villebon turned over to Baptiste Maissonat two pirogues captured from the New Englanders.  The privateer sailed them to the shelter of the Minas Basin, fitted them out, and recruited young Acadians as crewmen for another raid along the coast of New England.171

Meanwhile, Iberville and his elusive flotilla rounded the Acadian peninsula and Cape Breton Island and sailed up to Plaisance, the French settlement on the west coast of Newfoundland's Avalon Peninsula, which he reached on September 12.  Since the early months of his governorship, which began in 1691, Jacques-François de Memberton de Brouillan had beseeched French authorities to organize a naval expedition against St. John's, the English fishery center on the Atlantic side of the Avalon Peninsula, and the dozens of other English settlements in the region.  Two attempts, in 1692 and 1694, led by a privateer and a naval commander, had failed miserably.  Brouillan, leaving Philippe Pastour de Costabelle, one of his captains of troupes de la marine, in command at Plaisance, went to France in the autumn of 1685 and pushed his own plan there.  Meanwhile, Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville, a young Canadian naval officer with much combat experience, on land as well as sea, also put forward a plan of attack against the Newfoundland fisheries.  The ministry decided to combine the two operations:  "The orders provided that Brouillan should look after the general conduct of the operations and should direct the expedition at sea and that Iberville should command the expedition by land."  Once the English defenses had been overwhelmed, Brouillan and Iberville "were to destroy the colonies, send their inhabitants back to England, and seize what booty they could."  Brouillan would then return to the mother country with the booty he could carry, while Iberville remained in command at Newfoundland.  Brouillan secured a frigate from the Minister of Marine, and a St.-Malo privateer, Joseph Danycan du Rocher, loaned him four merchantmen fitted out for combat as well as two corvettes and two fire-ships--10 ships in all, with hundreds of men.  Back at Plaisance by September 1696, Brouillan waited for Iberville to appear, but the Canadian's arrival was delayed by his offensive against Pemaquid.  Unaware of the fate of Iberville's force, Brouillan left Plaisance without him on September 9 and, with superior force, overwhelmed the English fishing posts of Bay Bulls (Baie des Taureaux), Ferryland (Forillon), Firmoose (Fermeuse), and Renews (Renoose).  Brouillan used Renews as a base from which to attack the most important prize of all, St. John's.  The fishing center's three forts, English warships in the harbor, foul weather, and the reluctance of the St.-Malo sailors to risk their vessels thwarted Brouillan's efforts.  Frustrated, he court-martialed some of the privateers and "consoled himself by taking some 30 fishing barks and boats, a number of prisoners, and several thousand codfish" before returning to Plaisance on October 17.  Normally, it would have been too late in the year to resume the offensive, but Brouillan was determined to launch another campaign, even if it could not begin until winter.  Iberville, meanwhile, had reached Plaisance on September 12, only three days after Brouillan had launched his offensive against the English side of the island.  Iberville, though at the head of only a hundred men in two ships, the Profond and the Envieux, was determined to join Brouillan, but the Maine offensive had exhausted his supplies.  Costabelle, in charge of the post again, showed no eagerness in parting with what little was left of the supplies at Plaisance.  Iberville had no choice but to wait for a resupply and reinforcements, which he expected from Canada, before joining Brouillan.  On October 3, while Brouillan was still operating against St. John's, part of Ibeville's reinforcement arrived--the Postillon, commanded by Nicolas Daneau de Muy.  Another ship, the Wesp, having become separated from de Muy's ship on the voyage down from Québec, also was expected.  After the Wesp arrived, Iberville had four vessels with which to launch his part of the offensive.  Unfortunately, de Muy informed him that his ship and the Wesp had been sent to Brouillan; he had no orders to operated under Iberville's command!  With the force he possessed, Iberville prepared to attack Carbonear on Conception Bay, second only to the St. John's in importance and population.  And then Brouillan returned.   The governor's failure even to attack St. John's did not impress the younger commander, whose combat experience was as impressive Brouillan's.  Moreover, after the debacle at St. John's, du Rocher, with his ships and his men, had headed home to St.-Malo, leaving Brouillan's force not only defeated but much reduced.  During his first interview with Iberville aboard the governor's ship, Brouillan's dark side again emerged:  he was certain that Iberville had failed to join him in the campaign against St. John's because the Canadian did not want to relinquish command to him.  Worse yet, Brouillan attributed his failure at St. John's to Iberville's failure to join him there!  Iberville kept his peace, hoping to find the governor more tractable during a second interview, but he there was no assuaging the angry Brouillan, who refused to read Iberville's instructions.  When the young commander ordered his men to prepare to return to France, de Muy's Canadians protested vigorously and threatened to desert if they were not allowed to serve only under Iberville.  Brouillan, his mind focused on getting at St. John's, reluctantly compromised with the irate Canadians.  He agreed to allow Iberville to attack St. John's overland while he returned to Renews aboard the Profond, commanded by Simon-Pierre Denys de Bonaventure, for an attack against the fishing center via the sea.  De Muys and his Canadians, assuaged by the governor's compromise, agreed to accompany him and Bonventure to other side of the peninsula.  After the destruction of St. John's, Iberville, who was personally financing his part of the expedition, would receive the bulk of the booty they would capture and was authorized to attack Carbonear and other English posts circling Conception Bay before returning to Plaisance.  Iberville and his force of 120 men set out across the peninsula on November 1.  With them was Father Jean Baudouin, who recently had clashed with Commander Villebon in Acadia; the soldier-turned-priest would provide spiritual sustenance in a campaign that Iberville and Brouillan expected to last all winter.  Iberville's aide-de-camp was one of his many younger brothers, Jean Baptiste de Bienville, only 16 years old.  It took Iberville's force nine days to slog across land to Ferryland on the Atlantic coast.  He and his men were so hungry when they reached the place that they devoured wild horses they found on the beach.  After rendezvousing with Brouillan at Renews, which lay a few miles south of Ferryland, the bickering between the two commanders resumed.  While Iberville and his men were slogging overland, Brouillan had sent a reconnaissance up the coast under a Chevalier de Rancogne, and that worthy had only managed to alert St. John's to the presence of a French force down the coast!  Moreover, Brouillan announced that he and Iberville would now divide the plunder in half, a violation of the agreement they had made at Plaisance.  Iberville also clashed with de Muys, now an ally of the governor.  Swords were drawn, but cooler heads prevailed.  Iberville, believing that the governor was interested only in booty, but determined to complete his mission, again gave in to Brouillan; a truce was called, and the antagonists turned their attention to the destruction of the English fishery.  Before they started out from Renews, however, Brouillan sent Denys de Bonaventure in the Profond back to France to inform the King and Minister of his achievements.  Iberville gave his friend Bonaventure a missive for the Minister, which included not only an account of Brouillan's recalcitrance but also asked for reinforcements the following spring that would allow Iberville to "complete the subjugation of the island."  First Iberville and then Brouillan, leading separate forces, moved up the coast to Bay Bulls.  There, Iberville captured an English merchantman, whose captain revealed that two formidable English men-of-war, carrying 75 and 50 guns apiece, were expected at St. John's at any moment.  This called for an immediate march on the fishing center via Petty Harbor with the entire French force.  They left Bay Bulls on November 26, with Iberville and his Canadians in the lead.  ...172

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Frontenac, Iberville, Villebon, Brouillan, and their Indian allies could smile contentedly as 1696 drew to a close.  "For the English this had been a year of disasters, with hardly one redeeming feature for which to build hope for the future," a New English historian concedes.  "At its close the advantage rested wholly with the enemy.  East and west, the hostile tribes were now acting together as one man.  Acadia had been lost, Pemaquid demolished.  Much had been expected from the expeditions of Church and Hathorne; nothing realized."  Such was the perception of the New Englanders and of Frontenac and his lieutenants.  The Acadians at Chignecto, however, would not have given such a rosy summation of the year's results.173

But for a bloody raid by Canadian Indians against Haverhill, Massachusetts, in mid-March and Maissonat's depredations along the New England coast, 1697 proved to be a much quieter year.  Then news arrived in Boston during the summer that a fleet of warships had left France a few weeks before and was heading to North America to do the New Englanders no good.  It looked like Louis XIV was determined to end the war by destroying Boston itself, and there was some truth in the observation.  In late winter 1697, Louis, through his Minister of Marine, Louis Phélypeaux, comte de Pontchartrain, appointed the Marquis de Nesmond to gather together in Brest and Rochefort a squadron of 13 warships and four fire ships to sail to North America for the purpose of laying waste the New England coast from Boston up to Portsmouth, New Hampshire.  Meanwhile, one of the Le Moyne brothers would take five other warships from Rochefort to Plaisance and, after rendezvousing with brother Iberville, head north to Hudson Bay to recapture the valuable fur-trading posts that Iberville had seized twice during the war but that the English had again reclaimed.  Pontchartrain sent Frontenac secret orders to prepare 1,500 men, a formidable force in Canada, to move at a moment's notice when he should receive further orders, the purpose of the expedition not revealed to him in order to maintain strict security.  Nesmond would sail first to Plaisance, where Frontenac would meet him, capture St. John's, Newfoundland, to protect his rear, and then end the war in North America once and for all by destroying Boston.  Luckily for the New Englanders, Nesmond's fleet did not reach Plaisance until July 24, he did not appear before St. John's until the end of August, and he failed to capture the place.  By then it was early September, too late in the season to move on Boston, so Nesmond returned to France.  The New Englanders nevertheless prepared for a climactic battle that never came.  Summer turned to fall with only the usual Indians raids marring the relative quiet of this ninth year of war.174

Peace came at last with the signing of the Treaty of Ryswick that autumn of 1697, news of it reaching North America by early December.  Some territory had been won and lost in Europe, but little had changed in America other than that Acadia was guaranteed as a French possession despite English claims to it, and, thanks to Iberville's end-of-the-war exploits, the French controlled the posts in Hudson Bay.  The Acadians, led by their commander, celebrated wildly.  Mathieu de Goutin, the colony's acerbic colonial secretary, complained of Villebon's excesses:  "Sr. de Villebon caused to be used 112 pounds of powder in a bonfire to mark the peace, and in drinking the health of his mistresses he and Sr Martel his son-in-law became drunk."  One suspects that they were not the only ones in the colony who were felled by the demon rum that day.  The New Englanders celebrated the end of the war as wildly as Puritans allowed such things, as well they should have, for the war had cost them dearly.175  

The war had cost Acadia, too, at Pentagöuet, Port-Royal, and Chignecto, but it was minor compared to New England's loss.  The Acadians nonetheless had learned valuable lessons from the long struggle with England, the most bitter lesson an ironic one.  They could see that the thing which made possible their peacetime trade with the English, the New Englanders' dominance of the coastal waters, could turn against them during wartime when their erstwhile trading partners--nos amis les ennemis, "our friends, the enemy"--turned into implacable foes.  They also learned that when danger should come from the sea again, they should be ready to defend themselves, not to submit meekly, otherwise their homes and possessions would be destroyed for nothing.  The New Englanders also remembered, among other important lessons, that, despite a long history of trade with the peace-loving Acadians, these Papist Frenchmen still were the enemy, still a part of the complex killing machine that sought to destroy their homes and families as well as their way of life.  With peace, trade would resume in earnest between these two very different people, but they would never look at one another quite the same again.175a

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Happily for the colony, more settlers came to greater Acadia during the final years of King Williams's War and during the short peace that followed.  They, too, created families of their own by marrying into established families:

Barthélémy Bergeron dit d'Amboise, a soldier from Amboise, Indre-et-Loire, France, reached Canada in c1685 and accompanied Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville, the future pioneer of the Louisiana colony, on an expedition to Hudson's Bay during King William's War.  Barthélémy went to Acadia with Iberville in 1696, soon after his marriage to Geneviève, daughter of Jean Serreau, sieur de Saint-Aubin, seigneur of Ste.-Croix and Passamaquoddy, and widow of Jacques Petitpas; they married probably at Québec in c1695.  With his bride, Barthélémy settled at Port-Royal and became a merchant.  Evidently the family was held by the New English in Boston during Queen Anne's War; on 18 September 1706, Barthélémy and his family were among the 51 French prisoners at Boston who were exchanged for English prisoners being held at Port-Royal.  Perhaps soon after the prisoner exchange, Barthélémy took his family to "Villebon's fort" at Nashouat, "where he improved his grant of land and also engaged in trading...."  Geneviève gave him six children, including three sons who created families of their own.  Many of Barthélémy's descendants continued to use his dit, d'Amboise, though his second son, Michel, was called "de Nantes."252 

François Coste of Martigues, near Marseille, France, a carpenter, navigator, and coastal pilot, married Madeleine, daughter of Barnabé Martin, probably at Port-Royal in c1695.  Madeleine gave François eight children, including two sons who created families of their own.  In 1714, they moved to Île Royale, where François worked as a coastal pilot out of Port-Toulouse and L'Ardoise.  François was still living at L'Ardoise in 1752, age 90!254 

Charles Chauvet dit La Gerne or La Jarne, born in c1669, married Edmée or Aimée dit Lejeune, daughter of François Joseph and Jeanne Lejeune, in c1696.  They were counted on Rivière St.-Jean two years later and moved on to Pigiguit by 1714.  Edmée gave Charles eight children, including three sons who created families of their own.289

Étienne Poitevin or Potvin dit Parisien, evidently from Paris, married Anne, daughter of Olivier Daigre, at Port-Royal in c1696 and settled on the haute-rivière.  Anne gave Étienne a dozen children, including a son who created a family of  his own.255  

Louis Chênet, Chenais, or Chesnay dit La Garenne, son of Bertrand, Sieur de Lothainville and Élisabeth Aubert, born at Québec in August 1678, moved to Port-Royal and married Jeanne, daughter of Barnabé Martin, in c1697, when he was only 19; she was 21.  She gave Louis two children, a daughter and a son, who created a family of his own.256 

François, fils, son of François Viger or Vigé and a woman whose name has been lost to history, married Marie, daughter of Philippe Mius d'Azy, probably at Pobomcoup in c1697.  Marie gave François, fils seven children, including a son who created a family of his own.257 

Jérôme Darois, also called d'Aroy and Darouette, of Paris arrived in Acadia by c1698, the year he married Marie, daughter of Dominique Gareau and Marie Gaudet, and widow of ____ Lachapelle, at Port-Royal.  They settled first at Minas, where Marie gave Jérôme 10 children, including two sons who married created families of their own.258 

Jean Naquin dit L'Étoille, a master tailor, married Marguerite, daughter of Jean Bourg, soon after the census of 1698.  They settled at Bellaire, also called Bélair, near Port-Royal, where they had purchased land from Étienne Pellerin in May 1700.  Marguerite gave Jean five children, including two sons who created families of their own.259 

Jean-Chrysostôme Loppinot, born at St.-Nicolas-des-Champs, Paris, was commissioned as clerk of court at Port-Royal in April 1699.  He also served as notary and procurator.  He married Jeanne, daughter of Germaine Doucet, fils, at Port-Royal in c1702.  She gave him five children, including four sons, two of whom created families of their own.296

Jean Pothier, also called Poitiers, married Anne, daughter of Michel Poirier l'aîné probably at Chignecto in c1699.  Anne give Jean three children, including two sons who created families of their own.  Jean remarried to Marie-Madeleine, a daughter of Guyon Chiasson, in c1709.  They remained at Chignecto.  Marie-Madeleine gave Jean seven more children, including three more sons who created their own families.260 

Queen Anne's War and the End of French Rule in Peninsula Acadia

The peace that followed the end of King William's War was frustratingly short and tenuous.  Indian raids continued along the New English frontier into 1698.  No treaty that was negotiated an ocean away could solve the Indians' most pressing problem of losing land to the aggressive New Englanders.  In Acadia, new settlements appeared in the Minas Basin and near Chignecto, but, again, these habitants hugged the tide lands of the upper Fundy and did not threaten the Mi'kmaq who lived near them:176

In late March 1689, Mathieu Martin, perhaps the first Frenchman born in Acadia, had secured a seigneurie at the extreme northeast end of the Minas Basin, where he engaged in the fur trade.  Martin's seigneurie, called Wagobagitik or Wecobequitk (Mi'kmaq for "end of the water's flow," which refers to the present-day Salmon River), also Ouëcobeguy, St.-Matheiu, and eventually Cobeguit, lay 50 miles northeast of Grand-Pré and 55 miles southeast of Beaubassin.  Decades later, a governor of British Nova Scotia noted that "The seigneury of Cobeguit had always been separate from the lands of the La Tour family...."  Although Mathieu Martin married, he and his wife, a fellow Acadian whose name has been lost to history, had no children.  In 1701, while Martin remained at Port-Royal with his wife, he allowed fellow Acadians Martin Bourg, Jérôme Guérin, and Martin Blanchard, also from Port-Royal, to move their families to his seigneurie, which, because of the limited numbers of salt marshes and the distance from access to the New England market, grew slowly at first.  But after construction of the French fortress at Louisbourg, an accessible market opened up to the community, and Cobeguit, like nearby Chignecto, soon became an important cattle-producing area.  The church parish at Cobeguit was dedicated to SS. Pierre-et-Paul.  Mathieu Martin, who was not counted at Cobeguit until 1714, died in April 1724, 24 years a widower, perhaps at Cobeguit.  In October 1731, settlers Noël Doiron, Jean Bourg, Louis Bourg, and Joseph Robichaud, having been named as heirs in Mathieu Martin's will, claimed his seigneurie.  Settlers at Cobeguit also bore the names Aucoin, Benoit, Breau, Carret, Dugas, Gautrot, Guédry, Guillot, Hébert, Henry, Lejeune, Longuépée, Naquin, Pitre, Thériot, and Turpin.95

During the late 1690s and the early 1700s, another cluster of Acadian settlements sprang up in the region, this time only a dozen miles west of Beaubassin, in an area claimed by the seigneur of Chignecto, Michel Le Neuf de La Vallière, and his son-in-law, Claude-Sébastien Le Bassier de Villieu, who served as major and King's representative in Acadia.  Chepoudy settlement, now present-day Hopewell Hill, New Brunswick, joined the constellation of Acadian communities after Pierre Thibodeau explored a stretch of marshy coast on upper Baie de Chignecto during the spring of 1698.  Believing he had secured a seigneurie from colonial commander Villebon, who had sent him to the area, Thibodeau prepared to establish a settlement at the Chepoudy estuary.  Three of his sons wintered at Chepoudy in 1699/1700 and traded furs with the Indians.  One of Thibodeau's collaborators in the venture was François Brossard, also of haute rivière; though he liked the place, Broussard remained at Port-Royal, but two of his younger sons settled at Chepoudy in c1730.  Hearing of the Thibodeau venture, de Villieu protested their presence on his and his father-in-law's seigneurie and insisted they were squatters.  On 21 August 1700, de Villieu secured a "grant of seigneury" at Chepoudy.  Despite a question of their claim to the land, Pierre Thibodeau, his sons, and some of their neighbors from Port-Royal, built a flour mill and a sawmill at Chepoudy, using machinery they had purchased from New Englanders.  The church parish created for the settlement was dedicated to Notre-Dame-de-la-Visitation and was also called Notre-Dame-des-Neiges, or Our Lady of the Snows.  Meanwhile, Guillaume Blanchard of Port-Royal claimed that he, too, had secured a seigneurie from Villebon, this one on Rivière Petitcoudiac, near present-day Hillsborough, New Brunswick, not far from Chepoudy.  Blanchard, who started his new settlement about the same time his friend Pierre Thibodeau settled at Chepoudy, also clashed with the grasping de Villieu.  Pierre dit Pitre Gaudet and René Blanchard were the first settlers in the valley of the Memramcook, east of the Petitcoudiac.  In the years that followed, settlers at Chepoudy, Petitcoudiac, and Memramcook, called by the local inhabitants the trois-rivières, also bore the names Allain, Babineau, Bertrand, Breau, Brun, Comeau, Cyr, Daigre, Darois, Doucet, Dubois, Hébert, Labauve, Lalande, Landry, LeBlanc, Léger, Martin, Pitre, Préjean, Saulnier, Savoie, Surette, and Trahan.96

.

A sticking point unresolved in the Treaty of Ryswick of 1697 was the boundary between the expanding colonies of French Acadia and New England.  The English claimed the Ste.-Croix River, while the French, noting that their Indian allies also lived west of the Penobscot, claimed the Kennebec as the true boundary.  In 1700, the contending parties compromised and named the St. George River as the boundary between the two provinces.  Just as vexing was the question of fishing rights in Acadian waters.  Commander Villebon proposed a system of permits for New Englanders fishing in French water, "the revenues from which would be applied to maintaining fortifications," but authorities in France ignored the proposal.  As a result, the issue of the fisheries remained a dangerous contention between the imperial rivals.177

A new century greeted the Acadians in 1701.  In a few years it would be a full century since de Monts and his companions had founded Port-Royal and the Acadian venture.  And it was in Europe again that events piled one atop the other to threaten the peace that had finally come to this corner of New France.  

On 17 September 1701, James Stuart, England's former king, died in exile at St. Germain near Paris at the age of 67.  At least one account placed Louis XIV, now 63 and in the 59th year of his reign, at James' deathbed.  Louis promised the dying king that his son, James Francis Edward Stuart, whom Louis insisted was the Prince of Wales, would be recognized as the new English monarch when James breathed his last.  Eleven years before, early in the War of the Grand Alliance, in an attempt to keep William III from leading troops to the Continent, Louis had supported a counterrevolution in Ireland that he hoped would restore James to the throne, but the Battle of the Boyne in July 1690 had frustrated that effort.  And although one of the provisions of the Treaty of Ryswick was French recognition of William III as the legitimate ruler of England, if the story of James's deathbed encounter is accurate, Louis obviously had not given up on his hopes of restoring a Catholic monarch to the thrown of England.178

In March 1702, the Sun King's most hated rival breathed his last.  William III died in London from injuries suffered in a fall from his horse, Sorrel.  He had ruled alone since the death of Mary in December 1694, and she had given him no surviving children.  He was succeeded by Mary's Protestant sister, Anne, with whom he and Mary had fallen out early in their joint reign.  Louis XIV opposed the accession of Anne, of course, but the Sun King's principal concern at the time was who would be successor to the childless Hapsburg king of Spain, Charles II.  Louis feared that if the Austrian Hapsburgs regained the throne of Spain after the passing of Charles II, France would again be surrounded by implacable enemies.  After years of negotiations involving Louis's oldest son and then his oldest grandson, it was the grandson, Philip of Anjou, who, upon the death of Charles II in November 1700, ascended to the Spanish throne as Philip V.  Now the Bourbons ruled Spain as well as France, and Louis's southern flank was secure.  Moreover, new Spanish and French customs policies were keeping English and Dutch merchants from exploiting the lucrative Caribbean trade, especially in slaves--the coveted asiento.  The English, the Dutch, the Austrians, and many of the German states would have none of this.  By early 1702, Louis's enemies had formed a new Grand Alliance against him, and in May England declared war against France and her allies, Spain, Portugal, Bavaria, and Savoy.  The resulting conflict, which lasted this time11 years, was called in Europe the War of the Spanish Succession and in North America Queen Anne's War.179

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In one of his final acts before being replaced in 1698, Governor-General Frontenac sent engineer Jacques L'Hermitte, the major at Plaisance, Newfoundland, "into Acadia to prepare an account of its harbours, as well as an inventory of its natural resources," no doubt better to evaluate the colony's defenses.  Meanwhile, Bishop St-Vallier at Québec appointed former missionary to the Abenaki, Father Louis-Pierre Thury, as his vicar general in Acadia in 1698.  Father Thury founded a new mission among the Mi'kmaq at Pigiguit, at the southeast end of the Minas Basin.  He intended to group the tribe into a single settlement between Shubenacadie, northeast of Pigiguit, and Chebouctou, southeast of Pigiguit on the Atlantic coast, but his death at Chebouctou in June 1699 ended that grandiose plan.179a 

On the St.-Jean, Villebon, still commander of the colony and ever the soldier, was convinced that another war with England was imminent.  His proposals to attack Boston and Manhattan had been ignored by the authorities in France, so he continued to strengthen his positions on the river for the inevitable attack from Boston.  The King having allowed him to rebuild the old fort at the mouth of the St.-Jean, Villebon pushed the reconstruction as rapidly as he could and transferred his headquarters to the lower fort in 1698.  He also strengthened his position upriver at Nashouat179c 

Villebon died suddenly on Rivière St.-Jean in July 1700; he was only 44 years old.  Although he had successfully defended the colony during the decade following the debacle under Meneval in 1690, many Acadian settlers did not mourn his passing.  M. de Gargas, whom Villebon likely sacked in 1688, "charged him with having intimidated and insulted the settlers and with having extorted exorbitant sums from them for goods, among other things."  Gargas, in fact, "called Villebon the terror of the country."  In 1696, towards the end of the war with England, the intendant of New France, Jean Bochart de Champigny, "sent on to the minister other complaints against Joseph Villebon:  the seigneurs and the habitants of the Saint John River in particular accused the governor[sic] of 'threats and bad treatment' towards them and 'charge him with having secured for himself all trade in his fort.'"  The same complainants accused Villebon's brothers "of aiding him in this business and of leading scandalous lives."  Villebon never married, but he was reported to have fathered an illegitimate daughter, who married his associate, Jean Martel de Magos.  This kind of behavior, not unknown among the Acadian settlers, was nonetheless looked down upon by most of them and certainly by all of their priests.  During his nine years as commander, Villebon also had voiced complaints against the settlers and particularly the St.-Jean seigneurs; he was especially critical of Mathieu D'Amours, sieur de Freneuse, and his brothers, who Villebon accused of being "too independent" and lacking respect for governmental authority.  Villebon chided the settlers at Port-Royal for "indolently confining themselves to making their land produce just what was necessary to keep them alive," an oft-repeated complaint by French officials from the first days of colonial settlement.  Villebon was not above accusing a priest, Father Jean Baudouin, a former soldier, "of taking to the woods instead of attending to this parishioners and having struck down an Indian."  A short time before his sudden death, Villebon had a falling out with Abbé Abel Maudoux, and the priest insisted that he receive his honorarium before he agreed to officiate at the commander's funeral.  Villebon's second in command was forced to pay in order that his predecessor "would have a Christian burial."  No matter, the Canadian warrior was largely responsible for the defense of what was left of French Acadia during most of King William's War.  It was a time when competence, not popularity, was needed to save the colony from a much stronger English presence in the region.179d

Villebon was replaced temporarily as commander by his second in command, who, not surprisingly, also was a kinsman.  Claude-Sébastien Le Bassier de Villieu, the seigneur of Chepoudy and son-in-law of Michel Le Neuf de la Vallière de Beaubassin, moved the colonial headquarters from the St.-Jean back to Port-Royal.  In 1701, de Villeu gave way to Jacques-François de Mombeton de Brouillan, the contentious governor of Plaisance who had clashed with Iberville a few years before.179e 

The new commander of Acadia "belonged to a family of Protestant noblemen named Mombeton that came from Gascony.  His grandfather married Isabeau de Brouillan, the last to inherit this title, and took the name, which their descendants also bore."  Jacques-François also sometimes used the surname Saint-André.  His family produced many warriors; seven of his brothers died in battle!  Jean-Jacques became a captain and then an adjutant in the troupes de la marine and suffered several wounds in battle "which he suffered all his life."  Brouillan, as he was called, came to Canada in 1687 as a 36-year-old company captain.  He was baptized as a Roman Catholic at Québec and returned to France in 1689 with ousted governor-general Denonville de Brisay; the two men were close.  In June of that year, Brouillan was appointed governor of Plaisance, also called Placentia after the bay on which it was located, on the western shore of Newfoundland's Avalon Peninsula.  But Brouillan did not receive his orders until February 1691, after King William's War was well along.  He left for his post that spring aboard the Joly and, upon his rival in early summer, found Plaisance in deplorable condition.  Brouillan's mission was to reorganize the colony, so important to the French North American fishery.  He promptly fortified the town and its environs, "using the cannon fished up from the bay," just in time to drive off a small English vessel that attempted to overawe the settlement.  Brouillan devoted the winter of 1691-92 to finishing his defenses and constructing a new fort, named for the King.  The following September, an English squadron of five ships under Commodore Francis Gillam attacked Plaisance.  Though his garrison consisted only of 50 troupes de la marine, Brouillan bolstered his defenses with fishermen and sailors, some of them serving aboard a frigate from Québec, the Sainte-Anne, captained by Louis-Armand de Lom D'Arce de Lahontan.  Despite the presence of the enemy, Brouillan continued to build new fortifications to protect the approaches to Plaisance harbor.  The English fired over 2,000 rounds against the French defenses, all to little effect, and Brouillan managed to answer with 300 rounds, damaging the English flagship.  Gillam weighed anchor and attacked nearby Pointe-Verte instead.  The winter of 1692-93 was a hard one at Plaisance; the annual supply ship having wrecked, the garrison and local settlers found themselves on the verge of starvation.  Brouillan led a search "in order to unearth hidden provisions and succor those most in need."  The effort was successful, so much so that the King ordered the Minister to grant Brouillan a gratuity of 500 livres.  When the ministry dispatched Lahontan to Plaisance to serve as the King's lieutenant, Brouillan revealed the darker side of his nature; disapproving of the promotion, he accused Lahontan of intriguing for the position and feared that the naval officer was seeking to replace him.  Needless to say, "a sharp rivalry sprang up between the two men."  Brouillan improved the post's defenses that summer, including redoubts built of stone.  In late August 1693, a fleet of 24 English vessels under Sir Francis Wheler appeared in Placentia Bay and attempted to force their way into Plaisance harbor.  Again, brilliant defensive tactics, Brouillan saved his post from destruction.  Wheler, defeated, weighed anchor and attacked Île St.-Pierre instead and left Plaisance alone for the next two years.  Brouillan received more reinforcements in 1694 and was able to form two companies of troupes de la marine under nephew Joseph Mombeton de Brouillan de Saint-Ovide and Philippe Pastour de Costabelle.  An engineer, Jacques L'Hermitte, arrived in 1695 to help with the fortifications; a favorite of Brouillan, L'Hermitte served also as town major, as Brouillan's third in command, and was "stationed" at Plaisance for the next 17 years, until it was lost to the British.  In 1696, despite bitter rivalry between himself and Canadian naval officer Pierre Le Moyne d'Iberville, Brouillan helped destroy the English fishing center at St. John's, on the Atlantic side of the Avalon Peninsula.  After his triumph at St. John's, Brouillan returned to France.  In the autumn of 1697, the treaty ending the war with England brought peace at last, and Brouillan took advantage of it by prolonging his stay so that he could "take care of his health."  The King granted him another gratuity of 500 livres, this time for his triumph at St. John's; he received the Cross of St.-Louis for his years of effective service; and, miracle of miracle, he received a reimbursement of 16,000 livres which he had advanced to the crown during the St. John's campaign.  Brouillan remained in France for four years, retaining not only the title but also the salary for the governorship of Plaisance.  To earn his salary, Brouillan communicated regularly with the Minister and with his arrogant, hot-tempered second in command at Plaisance, Captain Joseph de Monic, a brother-in-law by marriage of the influential Le Moynes of Canada.  Ever alert to the augmentation of his personal fortune, Brouillan took the opportunity to send Basque fishermen to Newfoundland to man his small fleet of fishing boats.179f 

Following the sudden death of Robinau de Villebon, the King appointed Brouillan as commander in Acadia in late March 1701, and Brouillan never returned to Plaisance.  The appointment was a promotion, with the requisite increase in salary for the life-long bachelor, now 50 years old.  Brouillan sailed to Acadia in May with 40 troupes de la marine and, despite the peace, munitions of war for the colony's garrisons.  Contrary winds forced him to put in at Chebouctou, the future Halifax, on the Atlantic coast.  He took the opportunity to inspect the small fort there and then headed overland to Port-Royal via the Rivière Shubenacadie portage and Cobeguit, at the northeastern end of the Minas Basin, from which he traveled to the Minas settlements along the western shore of the basin.  This allowed him to visit the teeming settlements there.  He was especially taken with Grand-Pré.  "He admired the prosperity of this village, but," like every royal commander before and after him, "felt little sympathy for the independent spirit of its inhabitants, whom he described as 'true republicans.'"  To enhance the defense of the colonial capital, he urged the Minas settlers to improve the road, then nothing more than a cart track, between the upper reaches of Rivière St.-Antoine, which flowed into Minas basin along the base of North Mountain, and the upper reaches of Rivière-au-Dauphin, which led down to Port-Royal and its magnificent basin.  The commander's request alerted the inhabitants to the possibility of another war with England; recalling the rough handling of their kinsmen at Chignecto five years before, they most likely saw an improved road between Minas and Port-Royal as much as a potential escape route for them and their livestock as an improvement of the colony's military lines of communication.179b 

In Brouillan's entourage was a young lieutenant of troupes de la marine whose life would change dramatically in Acadia.  Louis-Simon Le Poupet de Saint-Aubin de La Roularderie, born probably at St.-Germain-le-Vieux, Paris, in c1674, was son of Antoine Le Poupet, seigneur de Saint-Aubin, King's secretary.  Louis-Simon entered the colonial service as an ensign in 1693 and was posted to Plaisance in Philippe Pastour de Costabelle's company.  The young ensign fought with Costabelle under Iberville on Newfoundland in 1696-97 and followed Brouillan to Port-Royal in 1701.  In November 1702, a year after reaching the colony and nine months after his promotion to captain of troupes de la marine and sub-lieutenant of the navy, Louis-Simon married Madeleine, a younger daughter of Acadian Pierre Melanson dit Laverdure, fils, at Port-Royal.  By October 1705, he was the father of two children, a daughter and a son, who created families of their own.179i

Brouillan's appointment as royal governor of the colony was issued in February 1702, after he and his second in command, Simon-Pierre Denys de Bonaventure, the King's lieutenant in Acadia and a friend of Iberville, had taken their seats at Port-Royal.  Peace did not require colonial headquarters to be sited up a wide, twisting river with defense in depth and its back to a portage leading up to Québec.  Again, Acadia's oldest settlement could serve as the colonial capital despite its vulnerability to attack.  Soon after he reached Port-Royal, Brouillan "called a meeting of the inhabitants, but he found them as intractable as those of Les Mines."  However, he did extract from them a promise to help in the construction of a new fort.  He then journeyed to Rivière St.-Jean to inspect Villebon's fort at Nahouat, which "he judged to be useless and badly sited."  He ordered Fort St.-Joseph pulled down and the timbers shipped to Port-Royal aboard the Gironde for the reconstruction of the fort there.  "During the autumn he had a temporary enceinte constructed, with a sunken road round it.  Inside the enciente he also built living quarters for the soldiers, and he organized the settlers into a militia company."  Also that autumn he sent a long report to the ministry detailing the problems with the colony and what he planned to do to about it.  He was impressed with the colony's new mast producing industry but discourage by the neglect of the fishery.  "Fishing might well become the country's principal industry," he reported, "but it had been completely ruined by 50 years of war and privateering.  The settlers no longer possessed barks or rigging; they were discouraged, and no longer even knew how to fish.  Brouillan offered to build barks, asked for rope to make nets with, and suggest bringing in fishermen from Placentia [Plaisance] to initiate the Acadians in the art of fishing.  Above all," he added in his report to the Minister, "one or two frigates were needed to cruise along the shores, in order to protect the fishermen."  Evidently Brouillan was aware that the court had decided "not to renew the privileges of the Compagnie de la Pêche Sédentaire de l'Acadie," whose headquarters at Chédabouctou still lay in ruin.  Echoing Isaac de Razilly from decades past and the opportunity to create a new Acadian fishery, Brouillan recommended a new fortification at La Hève, which might replace Port-Royal as the "chief post in the country."  A fortified Atlantic enclave not only could better protect a new fishery but also serve as a naval base with easier communication with France.  In time of war, such a base could provide a greater opportunity to disrupt communications between England and its North American colonies.179g

The new war came in May 1702.  News of it evidently reached Boston before it reached Port-Royal.  Brouillan's first hint of conflict between Acadia and New England came after he sent Canadian Thomas Lefebvre, a voyageur and interpreter for the Abenaki, "as his delegate" to Boston.  Instead of welcoming Lefebvre, the Bostonians imprisoned him "for some time."179h

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The war along the North American frontier got off to a much slower start this time, but when it did, the same savage pattern of warfare erupted between New England, whose population had risen to 120,000, and Canada, with its much smaller pool of settlers and a dwindling number of Indian allies.  The Abenaki and other Algonquian tribes, despite the recent treaties they had made with the New Englanders, were as eager as ever to aide their French benefactors.  There were just fewer warriors to take up the tomahawk this time because of New England retaliation in the previous war and European diseases.  When the war began in Europe and he was certain that it would spread to the colonies again, Philippe de Rigaud, marquis de Vaudreuil, the new governor-general of New France who had replaced the dead Frontenac, ordered the Abenaki to fall back into Canada and take up villages on two rivers along the south side of the St. Lawrence between Québec and Montréal.  This would give Canada a buffer of protection if the New Englanders struck the first blow.180a 

Acadia, as usual, was left to its own devices, with no protection from attack by sea.  With this in mind, Brouillan pushed construction of the new fort at Port-Royal--"an earthwork star-shaped Vauban fort with four bastions and a ravelin," part of which was authorized to be built of stone--though "A dispute concerning the plans for the fort and the direction of the work put" Brouillan "at odds" with his chief engineer, Pierre-Paul de Labat or Labatte."  Brouillan also clashed with the local priest, still Abbé Abel Madoux, over the relocation of a market and the town's church.  Brouillan also ran afoul of Port-Royal's "official" curmudgeon, judge, scribe, and Marine commissary Mathieu de Goutin, who had alienated every governor and commander of the colony since his arrival during the governorship of Meneval a decade and a half before.  Brouillan persisted nevertheless in improving the colony's defenses.  By 1704, Port-Royal could boast a garrison of 200 troupes de la marine organized in four companies; the settlers by then could boast half a dozen organized militia companies.180

The first "confrontation" between the Abenaki and the New Englanders, strangely enough, was not a bloody raid but a peace conference in which only words were exchanged.  The new governor of Massachusetts, Joseph Dudley, invited the Abenaki chiefs to parlay with him at the new fort at Casco, and several of the chiefs from the Kennebec bands arrived there on 20 June 1703.  Promises were made by both parties, and they held a ceremony at a pile of rocks called the Two Brothers, which stood near the fort.  When the council was breaking up and each side fired its customary salute, the English fired first, using blank cartridges, but they noticed that some of the Indian celebrants used real bullets when they fired their salute.  Years later, after the war had turned bloody, Dudley sent a letter to then governor of Acadia, Daniel d'Auger de Subercase, in which he laid bare what he considered to be the treachery of Subercase's predecessor, Brouillan.  An historian of the conflict notes:  "Subercase had accused the provincial troops of committing a sacrilegious act in digging up the heart of Brouillan from the place where it was buried.  Dudley responds in these terms:  'About five years since[,] I had gone to Casco Bay to make an agreement with the Indians of my government.  There came to that place two Frenchmen of Port Royal, to whom M. de Brouillan had promised two hundred pistoles to kill me.  These Frenchmen came to Casco Bay disguised as Indians, and were present when I was making my agreement, but their hearts failed them in what they had undertaken.  Some time after, one of the two, being a prisoner, and brought here [to Boston], acknowledged it to me, in my house, on his knees.'"  One wonders who the two cowardly Acadians might have been, especially the humble penitent ... or if they really existed.181

On August 10, two months after the conference at Casco Bay, the frontier war erupted again when Abenaki, Canadians, and so-called Mission Indians, under Lieutenant Alexandre Le Neuf de Beaubassin, attacked coastal villages from Wells east to Falmouth along the coast of Maine. After nearly a week of fighting, the French and Indians had killed or captured 130 settlers and destroyed most of the coastal settlements of the province.  Meanwhile, other bands of Abenaki attacked settlements in New Hampshire.  Governor Dudley beseeched the other New England colonies to help him throw together a retaliatory force.  Connecticut sent a troop of cavalry, but Rhode Island ignored the plea.  In October, a contingent of New Englanders, 360 strong, marched into upper Maine to chastise the treacherous Abenaki, but they lost their way on the seldom used trails, and nothing came of the venture.  Meanwhile, the Abenaki struck again and again, and English retaliation remained feeble.  In exasperation, the Massachusetts authorities in September offered a bounty of twenty pounds for each Indian scalp a settler would bring in.  At least one Puritan clergyman heartily applauded the measure!  This action led to the formation of at least seven companies of rangers who scoured the Maine woods for the grisly trophies that winter.  The rangers, or "snowshoe men" as they were called, enjoyed limited success, but they brought a new level of intensity to the fighting that would characterize the rest of this war.  Indian attacks continued, with persistent savagery, into early 1704.182

In Québec, Governor-General Vaudreuil, no doubt mindful of the successes of his predecessor in the previous war against England, set into motion a plan of attack against the Massachusetts settlements in the Connecticut River valley.   At least 250 Canadian rangers and probably a larger force of Indians, including Iroquois and Abenaki, under Jean-Baptiste Hertel de Rouville, braved an especially severe winter to get at the valley settlements.  On the early morning of 28 February 1704, they fell on the snow-covered town of Deerfield, burned most of the houses, killed 50 or so of the inhabitants, and took into captivity perhaps 100 more, 19 of whom perished on the long, cold trail back to Canada.183

The New Englanders were understandably horrified.  Retaliation was sure to follow.  Again, the hero of Duxbury, Benjamin Church, promoted to colonel, was empowered to lead an expedition against the French.  And, again, peninsula Acadia was chosen as the target of retribution.  But Port-Royal would escape violence this time.  Massachusetts "Governor Dudley would not sanction an attack on Port-Royal, though Church strongly desired to destroy that nest of contraband traders, among whom, it was whispered, some New England merchants might be found, base enough to turn the enemy's wants for carrying on the war against them to their own profit."184

In April, Church gathered a force of 550 men, including friendly Indians who were incorporated into the colonial companies (North America's first "rangers"), and packed them into 15 transports.  Many of Church's men were armed with fine new muskets that had just arrived from England.  To convey them up the coast, Church secured two British warships and a Massachusetts armed vessel.  Aboard these larger vessels were numerous whaleboats that would be used to land the troops at any point along the coast.  There were enough of these boats to propel half the command against any point at once.  "In short, the expedition in all respects was as well, if not better, equipped as any that had been sent out on the same errand."185  

The colonel's strategy was predictable.  "Church was too old a campaigner not to know that the prospect of coming upon the hostile Indians unawares was poor indeed.  Burning their deserted wigwams might be compared with burning so much old brushwood.  They were almost as easily rebuilt as destroyed; and it was too early in the season to lay waste the Indian cornfields.  Church therefore had proposed to himself the rooting out of as many of the French trading and fishing stations of Nova Scotia as he should have time to visit, satisfied in his own mind, as he was, that it was there he could do the enemy the most harm.  It being impracticable to reach Canada, he argued that the next best thing to do was to strike where the enemy was most vulnerable--that is through Nova Scotia.  This was rude strategy, to be sure, but it was the only means left of making reprisals for such murderous raids as that of Hertel de Rouville."  Governor Dudley ordered that "all homes in Acadia be burned, that dikes protecting recovered land be smashed and that everything that could be carried be taken along with as many prisoners as possible."186

Sailing up the coast in early May, Church picked up reinforcements in New Hampshire and then fell upon the French settlements between the St. George River and Penobscot Bay.  At Koessanouskek or Kouesanouskek, near present-day Rockland, Maine, he burned down the habitation there and captured the hapless seigneur, Thomas Lefebvre, recently released from imprisonment at Boston, and two of Lefebvre's sons, 28-year-old Thomas, fils, and 23-year-old son Timothée.  At Pentagöuet, Church's men burned the fort and habitation and "killed or captured everybody they found there"; luckily for the Saint-Castins, neither the father nor the son was there, but Church did capture one of the elder Saint-Castin's daughters.  Next, the old Puritan fell on Mount Desert Island, which was deserted, and on Machias, where he captured two men and their families, John Bretoon of the Isle of Jersey and a M. Lattre.  In early June, his expedition reached the French settlement at the mouth of the Ste.-Croix in Passamaquoddy Bay.  One of his units scoured nearby Campobello Island, the future summer home of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, for anything French.  A small settlement up Rivière Ste-Croix--Gourdain's--fell to Church's force on June 8.  The hand full of Frenchmen who had the temerity to resist Church's men were "knocked in the head" on the old colonel's orders before he moved the force up to the falls of the Ste.-Croix, where he destroyed a tiny fishing settlement.187

Church next turned on his primary target, peninsula Acadia.  On July 2, he sent the large ships to blockade Port-Royal.  According to one report, the sailors "burned down a few isolated houses, killed some cattle, and captured a number of settlers."  Church, meanwhile, led his whaleboats up the peninsula to the Minas Basin.  They arrived at evening low tide and had to wait overnight for the morning flood before they could run the boats into the basin.  Aware of his approach, Minas inhabitants drove off their cattle to keep them out of the hands of the New Englanders.  Church's men pursued the Acadians, who, led perhaps by the King's lieutenant, Denys de Bonaventure, waited in ambush for the incautious Yankees.  A Lieutenant Baker and a private died in the confrontation--Church's only fatal casualties during the entire expedition.  That evening, Church ordered his men to burn the Minas settlements and to destroy the precious aboiteaux, and with them the Acadians' ripening crops.  Lands that had taken the Acadians years to reclaim from the basin were again covered with salt water.  Church's men also moved deeper into the basin and "burned dozens of houses and barns" at Pigiguit and Cobeguit, rounded up as many hostages as they could find, threw them aboard the whaleboat transports, and hurried back up to Port-Royal.188

Amazingly, Church and his much superior force simply lay before Port-Royal and did not attempt to take the newly-constructed fort that guarded the heart of Acadia.  Brouillan and his garrison put on a brave demonstration, but mostly they held their collective breaths and waited for the onslaught that surely would befall them, but it did not come.  In late July, after overseeing a feeble landing operation which Brouillan's men easily repulsed, Church held a council of war, which advised returning to Boston, burned and pillaged what he could get at along the basin, rounded up more prisoners, headed back into the bay, and turned his flotilla towards Chignecto, which he had attacked eight years before.189

On 28 July 1704, Church fell on Beaubassin during a heavy fog.  This time, however, the Chignecto Acadians did not attempt to negotiate with the old Puritan.  Having heard of Church's attacks down the coast and suspecting that they soon would be his next target, they drove their cattle out of harm's way and prepared to resist the invaders.  Church landed his force and deployed his men.  The Chignecto defenders fired a few shots and then disappeared into the countryside.  Some followed their priest, Abbé Claude Trouvé, all the way across the peninsula to Chédabouctou, where, a few months later, the 60-year-old Sulpician died of exhaustion.  Again, the New Englanders plundered and burned an Acadian settlement before rounding up more unlucky hostages to be used in negotiating for the release of the New English captives the French were holding in Canada.  The old Puritan and his men returned to Boston the way they had come, stopping at Passamaquoddy, Mount Desert, and Penobscot again to chastise any French and Indians there, but this time they found no one.  At Casco, Church found orders directing him to attack the French mission at Norridgewock, up the Kennebec, but, responding to his men's desire to return to their homes, he did not bother to go there.190

And so ended Colonel Benjamin Church's final raid on Acadia.  The New Englanders had expected him to take Port-Royal and expressed keen disappointment when they learned that he had not.  When it became public knowledge that Governor Dudley had discouraged Church from taking the Acadian capital before the expedition had even begun, a cloud of gloom and frustration settled over the Bay colony.  In late July, the French and Indians from Canada struck in force again along the Connecticut River valley and massacred more settlers in western Massachusetts.  The war had degenerated into another stalemate and promised to drag on as long as the last one.191

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Just before Church appeared at Port-Royal in July, Brouillan had received permission to return to France to look after his health--"he was afflicted with gout, and a fragment of broken bone, the result of old wounds, protruded from his cheek"--and to secure reinforcements for the colony.  He also had to address serious charges circulating at court against him:  "His authoritarianism and corrupt practices had provoked a host of complaints against him; he was taxed with having employed workmen from the fort on personal tasks, having seized a settler's land in order to set up a menagerie on it, and having melted silver coinage to make plates and dishes; with carrying on trade through intermediaries and selling at excessive prices, protecting a liaison between" his second in command, Denys de Bonaventure "and Madame de Freneuse..., and himself keeping Madame Barrat ....  Denunciations rained down so thick and fact," in fact, that the minister began to show disapproval.  Among other excesses, the governor had subjected to torture three soldiers accused of stealing, by having matches burned between their fingers.  One of them, who had remained crippled and had subsequently been acknowledged innocent, had gone to show the court his mutilated hands, and the king, 'horrified at this cruelty,' had sentenced Brouillan to allot half pay to this soldier out of his own salary.  Brouillan, whose three-year term had just expired, felt it necessary to go and avert the thunderbolt which threatened to strike him."191a 

In December 1704, Brouillan finally set sail for France, leaving Denys de Bonaventure in charge of the colony.  That winter offered hope for an end to the fighting when the belligerents in Boston and Québec opened a dialogue for an exchange of prisoners.  Governor Dudley took advantage of this lull in the fighting to offer Governor-General Vaudreuil a treaty of neutrality, which would essentially have ended the war in the colonies.  These negotiations continued into 1706, and the frontier between Canada and New England enjoyed a peaceful respite.  A number of prisoner exchanges during this period, some involving Acadian settlers, gave colonists on both sides reason to hope that the war at last was over.  During the winter of 1705-06, Denys de Bonaventure, now Brouillan's successor, took advantage of the quiet interval to continue improvement of the Port-Royal fortifications, including a new parade ground, the work supervised now by Jean-François Flan, "clerk of the fortifications."  This required the expropriation and destruction of more settlers' homes, as had been done under Brouillan when he rebuilt the old fort, but it could not be helped.  The capital must be defended.192 

The spring of 1706 brought not only a renewal of nature but also a resumption of hostilities.  The French and Indians from Canada struck the first blow in raids along the western Massachusetts frontier that continued into summer.  Prisoner exchanges resumed nonetheless, giving promise of another inter-colonial halt to hostilities.  At Port-Royal in late September 1706, a small merchant vessel arrived from Boston under a flag of truce to make another prisoner exchange; among the 51 French prisoners transported aboard the ship were merchant Barthélémy Bergeron dit d'Amboise, wife Geneviève Serreau de Saint-Aubin, and their children Barthélémy, fils, Marie, Michel, Augustin, and newborn Marie-Anne; also aboard may have been Louis Allain of Port-Royal, and Thomas, père, Thomas, fils, and Timothée Lefebvre of Maine, whom Church had captured at their seigneurie near the Penobscot River during his raid up the coast two and a half years before.  The New Englanders who owned the prisoner-exchange vessel were amenable to trading goods with the Port-Royal Acadians, who were eager to receive them.  After the exchange of prisoners was made, the New Englanders returned to Boston but soon returned for another trade.  The dubious business ended when the good Puritans back in Boston learned of the contraband trading.  A public scandal erupted, followed by a trial that imposed heavy fines on all of the merchants involved.  Even Governor Dudley was implicated in the scandal.  As the strong public feeling against trading with the enemy revealed, the war was far from over.193

During the spring of 1707, Governor Dudley sought to redeem himself by organizing yet another assault against Port-Royal.  There would be no trading in goods this time.  The New Englanders were intent on destroying the place.  Colonel John March, who had been successful in earlier fighting against the French and Indians in Maine, took command of a force of two regiments of militia infantry raised in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, and a battery of militia artillery.  March's force numbered 1,100 men, twice the size of the expedition that Church had taken to Acadia three years before.  The force would have been even larger if the governor of Connecticut had cooperated with his fellow New Englanders.  Still, it was unusual for three New England colonies to join in such a venture.  The size of the force and the perceived quality of its leadership gave every promise of success.194

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Acadia, meanwhile, had been given a new governor after Brouillan died at Chédabouctou, near Canso, in September 1705, on his way back from France.  Denys de Bonaventure, who had commanded the colony during Brouillan's 10-month-long absence, "petitioned for the post of governor, but in spite of his record of service and his popularity with the inhabitants the appointment was denied him, owing to reports which had reached France of his liaison with the widowed Madame Louise Damours de Freneuse (Guyon)."  The King's lieutenant, then, was passed over for the position, though he continued to command the colony until Brouillan's successor appeared.  Like Brouillan a captain of troupes de la marine, a former governor of Plaisance, and a recipient of the Order of St.-Louis, Brouillan's replacement would prove to be the last governor of French Acadia.194a 

Daniel d'Auger de Subercase was born at Orthez, in the Basses-Pyrénées, in February 1661 and was baptized in the Protestant church there.  Daniel's paternal grandfather, Jean Dauger, a wealthy merchant of Nay, in Béarn, had the wherewithal to purchase several noble estates, one of them the lay abbey of Subercase, near Asson.  "By virtue of these holdings, he was ennobled on 6 July 1616, and sat in the States of Béarn."  Jean's two sons inherited his domains and, and one of them, Jourdain, assumed the honorific Subercase.  Jourdain's son Daniel became a soldier, serving as an officer in the land forces for a decade.  By 1684, at the young age of 23, he was already a captain in the Régiment de Bretagne.  Shortly afterwards, he transferred to the troupes de la marine, raised a company of 50 men, and accompanied them to Canada in 1687, in time to lead them on an offensive against the Seneca.  By 1689, he was in command of a flying column of 200 men.  After the massacre at Lachine in August 1689, the headstrong Captain Subercase wanted to pursue the fleeing Iroquois, but his superior, Rigaud de Vaudreuil, held him back.  The following year, when Sir William Phips attacked Québec, Subercase served in the defenses at Île d'Orléans, just below the city, and assisted in preventing the New English from landing on the island.  He received promotion to lieutenant commander in 1693 and served as garrison adjutant at Québec, replacing Joseph de Monic, who was transferred to Plaisance, Newfoundland.  Subercase displayed the usual energy in the new position, but "his difficult character gave rise to protracted differences" with at least one other officer.  Subercase served as adjutant in Frontenac's campaign against the Onondaga in 1696.  The governor-general and intendant were so impressed with the lieutenant-commander's performance that they sent him to France with official dispatches.  Subercase's big promotion came in April 1702, when he succeeded Monic as governor of Plaisance.  He returned to France to take care of personal matters and then sailed to Plaisance.  Thanks to five years of neglect under Monic, Subercase found the colony "in a sorry state."  He rebuilt the post's defenses in time to ward off several English attacks from the other side of the peninsula.  In January 1705 came the requisite attack against the English along the Atlantic, including the rebuilt fishery center at St. John's.  Two of Subercase's officers, Jacques L'Hermitte and Jacques Testard de Montigny, had accompanied Brouillan and Iberville on the expedition against the English there eight years before.  Subercase failed to capture St. John's, but he was able to destroy the smaller English posts above and below the center and on Conception and Trinity bays.  For lack of provisions, however, of the 1,200 Englishmen captured, only 80 could be brought back to Plaisance.  Subercase estimated the loss to the enemy of "4 millions," so, despite the failure to destroy St. John's again, the operation was a qualified success.  At Plaisance, Subercase rebuilt the fort partly in stone and organized privateer crews to prey on English shipping as well as to harass English efforts to rebuild their posts.  Under Subercase, for the first time at Plaisance, agriculture supplemented fishing as an economic pursuit.  The court was so impressed with his work at Plaisance that in 1705 they King made him a knight of the Order of St.-Louis.  He was named royal governor of Acadia in April 1706 and landed at Port-Royal on October 28, during a lull in the fighting in that part of greater Acadia.194b 

Though disappointed in not receiving the position, Denys de Bonaventure, who remained at Port-Royal to serve as Subercase's second in command, was impressed by the new governor's conciliatory attitude.  Subercase even impressed the acerbic Mathieu de Goutin, who had said of Brouillan when he had heard of the latter's death "that the country deemed itself well rid of a tyrant."  Subercase was not so impressed with the state of the colony, at least in regards to its defense and administration.  "Everything was in short supply, and he had to have stockings and shoes for the officers bought secretly in Boston.  In order to meet his needs and those of the administration, he borrowed 1,000 livres and made 6,000 livres worth of card money."  Brouillan's rebuilt fort was showing age and had collapsed in three places.  "A wrangling spirit pervaded the population and the garrison, while the English were constantly threatening the colony with their privateers and warships, which cruised unchallenged near the coasts."  Dusting off Brouillan's old idea, Subercase proposed fortifying a post on the Atlantic coast of the peninsula and to shift some of the population there to sustain a new colonial capital--a proposal that could only alienate the habitants not only at Port-Royal but also in the Fundy settlements.  Turning to the Indians, Subercase requested gifts for them and appointed the ailing Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie de Saint-Castin's teenage son, Bernard-Anselme, to command the Wabanaki contingent.  That autumn, Subercase oversaw the reconstruction of the Port-Royal fort and the building of a frigate, the Biche.  He beseeched the governor-general, his old commander, Philippe de Rigaud, marquis de Vaudreuil, to send him a crew for the frigate as well as more troupes de la marine to buttress the Port-Royal garrison.  Vaudreuil sent 60 Canadians, both sailors and soldiers, under command of a Sr. La Boulardarie, down the St.-Jean portage to Port-Royal the following spring.  Their arrival was timely and most welcome.194c

Alerted evidently by his intelligence network, Subercase was ready for Colonel John March's New Englanders when they dropped anchor in the Port-Royal basin during the last week of May 1707.  In the fort at Port-Royal was not only the recently reinforced contingent of troupes de la marine, now under command of naval officer Louis Denys de La Ronde, younger brother of Denys de Bonaventure, but also Acadian militia from the surrounding settlements and 150 Wabanaki under Bernard-Anselme de Saint-Castin.  Subercase also urged the unarmed men and the woman and children of the town to take refuge inside the walls of the fort.  March's New Englanders greatly outnumbered the armed defenders, but Subercase's force made up for it with the twin advantages of standing on the defensive behind prepared works and, in the case of the Acadians, fighting to protect their own homes and families.195

On the afternoon of May 26, March landed a thousand men in two columns seven or eight miles below the fort, one on the north shore, across from the fort, to serve as a covering force, the other, commanded by March himself, along the south side of the basin, on the direct approaches to the fort.  Unfortunately for the New Englanders, because of the late hour of its landing this main column could not reach the fort before darkness fell.  Subercase sent out skirmishers to delay both columns, and armed inhabitants swarmed to the area to ambush any New Englanders they could find.  The next morning, the 27th, a ragtag force of Acadians ambushed March's advance along Allain's Creek, inflicting a number of casualties and further delaying its arrival at the fort.196

When March's column finally reached its objective on the afternoon of the 27th and threw itself into battle lines beneath the ramparts of the fort, the New Englander hesitated to assault Port-Royal with its rebuilt walls and 40 guns, including 36-pounders.  He chose, instead, to hold back his infantry and to knock down the fort with his artillery.  The artillery that could do that was not his, however, but belonged to the Royal Navy, whose officers insisted that their big guns could not be landed under the fire of the fort, and so it was not done.  Even March's own artillery commander refused to bring up his guns under the fire of the fort.  March lay siege to the fort, instead, and the morale of his colonials plummeted with every swipe of the pick and shovel.  On May 31, after investing the place for only four days and consulting yet another council of war, March concluded that Port-Royal was just too strong to subdue by siege.  Sadly for many of the inhabitants in the area, the New Englanders had plenty of time to pillage their farms.  Unfortunately for some of the New English marauders, the young Saint-Castin, "at the head of a band of 35 settlers and Abenakis, succeeded in trapping in an ambush a party that was busy setting fire to some houses"; the métis leader, only 18 years old, "himself killed 10 or 12" of them.  This stunning upset only fanned the flames of a rumor that hundreds of armed settlers from the Fundy settlements, accompanied a hundred Indians, soon would descend on the New English position "robbed the besiegers of any courage  they had left."  On June 6, following a skirmish between his New Englanders and Acadian militia under Captain Pierre LeBlanc, March lifted the siege, re-embarked his men, and retreated to Casco, Maine.  There he awaited further orders from the authorities in Boston, to whom he sent three of his officers, including his troublesome artillery commander, to inform them of his failure.197

Amazingly, the casualties among the Port-Royal garrison were one man killed and a few wounded, including Captain LeBlanc, who was wounded in the thigh during the June 6 skirmish.  Marsh, on the other hand, "lost 40 to 50 men," but his force "had wrought considerable havoc by burning down many houses, killing livestock, and uprooting grain and crops."  The Acadians, however, could feel proud of standing their ground against the Yankee marauders and giving as good as they got.197a

News of the disaster at Port-Royal reached Boston before March's officers arrived in the city.  A virtual mob of colonists greeted them at the dock and on the streets, mocking their military bearing and shouting, "Port Royal!  Port Royal!"  Governor Dudley was mortified by the official news and chose to send March right back to Port-Royal to finish it off properly this time.  Three prominent citizens, including two fellow colonels, accompanied the hapless Marsh as advisors and possessed the power to overrule him if necessary.  Some of March's original force refused to accompany him on the second venture--men mostly from Plymouth and New Hampshire; and, again, Connecticut did not join in the venture--but March's force remained largely intact and arrived before Port-Royal on August 10.  Subercase, meanwhile, had strengthened his position by erecting field fortifications where March's besiegers had camped beneath the guns of the fort.  Most importantly, Louis-Pierre, called Pierre, Morpain, a 21-year-old native of Blaye, near Bordeaux, and a privateer sailing out of French St.-Domingue aboard his first command, L'Intrépide, appeared at Port-Royal a week ahead of March despite marshalling along two prizes, including a slave ship full of Africans.  Morpain warned Subercase of the enemy force sailing up behind him and replenished the garrison with flour and other foodstuffs he had captured aboard the frigate La Bonnitte in this, his first foray up the Atlantic coast.  According to Morpain's biographer, "The arrival of the foodstuffs was viewed locally as a manifestation of Providence..," the garrison's food supply having been depleted by long-time neglect from France and March's earlier attack.  Subercase was surprised to see the New Englanders back so soon, but, again, his soldiers and Acadians, with the help of Saint-Castin's Abenaki and Morpain's buccaneers, stood ready to repulse another English assault.198

March landed all of his troops on the north side of the basin this time, evidently with the object of using his artillery from that side to reduce the fort at a distance.  Subercase seized the initiative, however, and kept a steady fire on March's camps with his big guns, limiting their ability to maneuver during the day, while his skirmishers ambushed and harassed any New Englanders who ventured out into the countryside to gather provisions or to reconnoiter the approaches to the fort.  The besiegers soon became the besieged, with a predictable result.  Breaking under the strain of another failure, Colonel March relinquished his command to a trusted subordinate, Colonel Francis Wainwright of Massachusetts.  Wainwright wasted no time putting his troops into action.  He moved a column of infantry up the river to a point above and opposite the fort, with artillery to follow under cover of darkness.  His plan was to cross at night with the infantry and artillery and fall upon the rear of the fort the following morning.  Subercase learned of the movement from a loose-lipped New English prisoner and foiled the crossing by setting bonfires all along the upper river.  Wainwright pulled his force back to a point opposite the fort, but Subercase shelled him out of the position and back into the woods.  Wainwright then moved farther down the basin, out of the range of the fort's big guns.  Desperate to get at the fort and overwhelm it with raw numbers, on August 20, ten days into the siege, Wainwright crossed the lower basin with his entire force to attack Port-Royal from the south side, as March had tried to do two months before.  The ever watchful Subercase sent out men to build hasty trenches at Rivière Allain, south of the fort, to slow the New Englanders as they approached his lines.  Wainwright hoped to draw Subercase's entire force out of the fort and into a knock-down, drag-out fight in the open, but the wily Frenchman refused to budge.  When Wainwright's advance force hesitated before the trenches at Rivière Allain, sixty men under Saint-Castin and Captain Louis-Simon Le Poupet de La Boularderie fell on the New English flank and rear but accidentally encountered a larger force halted in a field of grain.  "A sharp hand-to-hand tussle followed, with axes and musket butts, during which La Boularderie and Saint-Castin were wounded, together with some 15 of their companions.  The ensign, Antoine de Saillans, seriously wounded, died a few days later."  The New English, on the other hand, lost 120 men on that day alone.  In the days that followed, more Indians and Acadians appeared at Port-Royal to reinforce the garrison there.  Fearing for the security of his rear, on September 1 Wainwright ordered his men back to their boats, and soon the big English ships opened their sails and headed back from whence they had come.199

Thus ended the third siege of Port-Royal in as many years, each a humiliating defeat for the New Englanders.  Would there be a fourth, or would the New Englishmen finally relent and leave the Acadians alone?  Despite the victories, the colony, especially its capital, paid dearly for its spirited defense.  The autumn of 1707 "was rather difficult at Port-Royal.  The two sieges had ruined a good number of settlers, for whom the governor vainly sought an indemnity.  The supply ship Loire brought no goods.  The governor was forced to give his sheets and shirts to the sick, and to sell his silver table-service to pay for repairs to the fort."199b

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In 1707, when he was able, Governor Subercase conducted a census of the colony.  The result showed "a continued advance in numbers" in Acadia's major settlements:  570 were counted at Port-Royal; 271 at Chignecto; 585 at Minas, including Pigiguit; and 82 at Cobeguit, for a total of slightly over 1,500 colonists, probably an undercounting.  One historian estimates that the "total for all of Chignecto and the peninsula would be between 1,700 and 1,800" in 1707.  The following year, another census counted 53 at Cap-Sable, 15 at nearby Port Rachelois, and 42 at La Hève and Mirliguèche farther up the coast.199a

Like the 1690s, most of the first decade of the new century was consumed by war, but new settlers appeared in Acadia nonetheless and added their bloodlines to the population.  Reflecting the times, many of the new Acadians were soldiers and sailors, and some even military officers.  Like most new arrivals, they tended to marry into the established families, and some of them settled away from Port-Royal: 

François Tillard, a Protestant, married Marguerite, daughter of Jacques Le Prince, probably at Port-Royal in c1700.  On Holy Saturday, April 1713, he abjured his allegiance to Protestantism.  The following year, he journeyed to the new French colony of Île Royale to view land there, but he and his family settled at Minas.  Marguerite gave him four children, including a son who created a family of his own.261 

Joseph, son of perhaps Jean Boutin and Susanne Rocheteau of Québec, was a 25-year-old fisherman at Port-Royal in 1701.  He married Marie-Marguerite, daughter of Pierre Lejeune dit Briard, at Port-Royal in c1708.  They moved to La Hève on the Atlantic side of the peninsula and then to Minas, but they did not remain there either.  Marie-Marguerite gave Joseph eight children, including five sons who created families of their own.262 

Jacques Bonnevie dit Beaumont of Paris, a corporal in the King's service, married Françoise, daughter of Philippe Mius d'Azy, at Port-Royal in c1701.  Françoise gave Jacques five children, including a son who created a family of his own.263 

Maurice, son of Paul Vigneau, Vignau, or Vignot dit Laverdure and Françoise Bourgeois of Île d'Orléans, below Québec, was born in the Canadian parish of Ste.-Famille on the island in February 1674.  He moved to Acadia, where he worked as a charpentier du roi in the colonial capital, and married Marguerite, daughter of Pierre Comeau l'aîné, probably at Port-Royal in c1701.  She gave him 11 children, including six sons who created families of their own.264 

Mathieu dit La Citardy spelled his surname Brasseur and sometimes Brasseux and LeBrasseur, so he probably was not a kinsman of Pierre Brassaud/Brassaux, who had come to the colony by c1691.  Mathieu married Jeanne, teenage daughter of André Célestin dit Bellemère, at Port-Royal in c1702; Mathieu, interestingly enough, was 39 years older than his wife. They settled at Minas, where Jeanne gave Mathieu 11 children, including fives sons who created families of their own.265 

Pierre Carret or Carré, a soldier, may have been the Pierre Carret in command of the inhabitants of Ste.-Anne-de-Beaupré who "captured five cannons and a flag from Phips' army, at La Canardière, Québec," during King William's War in October 1690.  He married Angélique, daughter of Guyon Chiasson, probably at Chignecto in c1702.  Angélique gave her soldier 13 children, including four sons who created families of their own and remained at Chignecto.266 

Gabriel Moulaison dit Recontre of Limoges, France, arrived in Acadia by 1702, the year he fathered a natural daughter borne by Marie, daughter of Olivier Daigre and widow of Pierre Sibilau, at Port-Royal.  Gabriel dit Recontre and Marie did not marry.  (Marie went on to bear another natural daughter, this one by Canadian Louis Blin, before she remarried to Jacques Gouzil in c1711.)  In July 1706, at Port-Royal, Gabriel legitimately married Marie, daughter of Julien Aubois of the Cap-Sable area.  They settled at Pobomcoup, near the cape.  Wife Marie gave Gabriel nine more children, including four sons who created families of their own.267 

Élie, son of Jean Gentil and Marie Jolet of St.-Nazaire-sur-Charente, Saintogne, France, and a mason by trade, married Cécile, a daughter of Barnabé Martin, at Port-Royal in October 1702.  Cécile gave him two children, a daughter and a son, but only the daughter survived childhood and married, at Chignecto.268 

Jean Clémençeau dit Beaulieu of Bordeaux, France, a sergeant in the King's service, reached Port-Royal before 1703, the year in which he ran afoul of Acadian Governor de Brouillan. The governor had authorized Clémençeau "to work on the distribution of the King's provisions and munitions" at the Port-Royal fort, but one of Clémenceau's superiors received word that Clémençeau "was involved in some malfeasance." The superior complained to the governor, who ordered the sergeant's arrest when Clémençeau returned to the fort, "but shortly thereafter he was released and his clothing was returned to him ...." Evidently the sergeant had found an ally in one demoiselle Barat, "who promised to represent him whenever and as often as would be necessary."  Two years later, while Queen Anne's War still raged, Clémençeau married Anne, métisse daughter of Jean Roy and Marie Aubois, at Boston, Massachusetts, so the English must have captured him.  Back at Port-Royal in 1706, Jean and Anne's marriage was blessed by a priest.  Anne gave him six children, including a son who created a family of his own.  Jean remarried to Marguerite, daughter of Jean Corporon, at Port-Royal in c1711.  She gave him another son who created a family of his own.269 

Yves or Yvon, son of Olivier Maucaïre, Maucaër, Guaire, or Gure and Isabelle Beauregard of Brest, France, came to the colony by June 1703, when he served as godfather to Charles Savoie.  Yves married Élisabeth, or Isabelle, daughter of François Levron dit Nantois and widow of Michel Picot dit La Rigueur, at Annapolis Royal in January 1712, and remained there.  Élisabeth gave him three children, a son and two daughters, but only one of their daughters married.269a

Charles dit Champagne, son of Julien Orillon or Orion and Anne Roger of St.-Thomas de La Flèche, Angers, France, a mason by trade, arrived at Port-Royal in c1703, early in Queen Anne's War.  He served as a soldier as well as a mason in the garrison at Port-Royal and was a servant in the home of Acadian governor de Brouillan; Champagne was in fact the "caretaker in M. de Brouillon's residence" while the governor fulfilled his other duties  Not along after he reached the colony, Charles dit Champagne married Marie-Anne, a daughter of Jean Bastarache, at Port-Royal in January 1704.  This gave him good reason to remain in the colony when the war finally ended in 1713.  Marie-Anne gave Champagne nine children, all born at Port-Royal, including five sons who created families of their own.270 

Jean Mouton was a son of Antoine, maître d'hôtel de M. de Grignan, likely the famous French aristocrat François de Castellane-Ornado-Adhémar de Monteil, comte de Grignan, of Provence.  Jean's mother was Jeanne Merlasse, de Marsalle or Marsal, of the bishopric of d'Albi in Languedoc.  Born at Marseille in c1689, perhaps at the comte's château, Jean came to Port-Royal as a young man perhaps as early as 1703.  He married Marie, 16-year-old daughter of Alexandre Girouard dit de Ru, later Sieur de Ru, in January 1711, when he was 22.  Marie's maternal grandfather was Alexandre Le Borgne de Bélisle, former French governor of Acadia and seigneur of Port-Royal, and she also was a descendant of former governor Charles La Tour.  Marie gave him 10 children, including five sons who created families of their own.271 

Jean dit Tranchemontagne, son of Pierre Garceau and Jacquette Soulard of Poitiers, France, was serving in the company of troupes de la marine under M. de Villieu in Fort St.-Joseph at Nashouat, on Rivière St.-Jean, in 1696.  While a soldier in the company of Chacornacle at Port-Royal, Jean married Marie, daughter of François Levron dit Nantois, in November 1703.  They settled at Port-Royal, where Marie gave him three children, all sons who created families of their own.271a

Pierre, son of Mathurin Thébeau, Thébaut, or Tibaude and Pérrine Moran of St.-Malo, France, married Marie-Jeanne, daughter of Pierre Comeau l'aîné, at Port-Royal in November 1703.  Marie-Jeanne gave Pierre two children, including a son who created a family of his own.272 

Thomas, son of Samuel Jacau or Jacob de Fiedmont and Judith Fillieu of St.-Martin d'Harse or Ars, diocese of Saintes, was born in Saintonge in c1677.  While serving as a master cannonier in the fort at Port-Royal he married Anne, daughter of Pierre Melanson, in October 1705.  Anne gave the cannonier eight children, including four sons, none of whom seem to have created families of their own.273 

Pierre dit Lapierre, son of Pierre Pouget, Poujet, or Pochet and Françoise Plantecoste of St.-Hippolyte, bishopric of Clermont, Auvergne, France, was a soldier in the Port-Royal garrison when he stood as godfather to a daughter of André Simon dit Boucher in December 1705.  Lapierre was still a soldier, age 26, when he married Françoise, daughter of François Moyse dit Latrielle, at Port-Royal in March 1707.  He remained in the Acadian capital after it fell to the British and worked as a chaudronnier, or coppersmith.  Françoise gave him 11 children, including two sons who created families of their own.279b

Jean-François Flan of Paris, France, married Marie, a daughter of Michel Dupuis, at Port-Royal in January 1706.   Jean-François had been serving as clerk--commis des fortifications--at Port-Royal for several years before his marriage and for a time oversaw the rebuilding of the town's defenses.  After the British gained control of Port-Royal and renamed it Annapolis Royal, the former commis moved on to Minas.  Marie gave him five children, only one of them a son, who probably did not marry.274 

Gabriel, fils, son of Gabriel Samson and Françoise Durand of la Pointe de Lévis, Québec, born at Cap-St.-Ignace on the St. Lawrence, married Jeanne, a daughter of Barnabé Martin and widow of Louis Chênet dit La Garenne, at Port-Royal in April 1704.  Gabriel, fils was a constructeur, navigator, and carpenter.  Jeanne gave him 11 children, including three sons who created families of their own.275 

Louis dit Poitiers, son of René Marchand or Marcheguy and Jacquette Gaillard of Bussière-Pointevine, Poitiers, France, a corporal in the Port-Royal garrison and a habitant-gardener, married Marie, daughter of Laurent Godin dit Châtillon, at Port-Royal in November 1705.  Marie gave the corporal five children, including two sons who created families of their own.276 

Michel dit Le Rigeur, son of Michel Picot, Pico, Picotte, or Picou and Saintine Venarde of Chartres, France, married Élisabeth, or Isabelle, daughter of François Levron dit Nantois, at Port-Royal in November 1705.  Michel dit Le Rigeur died at Annapolis Royal, formerly Port-Royal, in c1711.  Élisabeth gave him two children, including a posthumously born son who created a family of his own.277 

François dit Paris, son of Jean Testard and Jeanne Vignier of Beaumont in Picardie, not Paris, married Marie, a daughter of Jean Doiron, at Port-Royal in November 1706.  Paris worked as a carpenter and a navigator.  Marie gave him seven children, including three sons, but only the youngest son created a family of his own.278 

Pierre dit La Forest, son of Pierre Part and Catherine Piouset of Mouzens, bishopric of Tulle, France, was a soldier in la compagnie de Falaise, serving in the garrison at Port-Royal, when he married Jeanne, a daughter of Claude Dugas, in February 1707.  Pierre dit La Forest worked as a blacksmith at Port-Royal after his term of service expired.  Jeanne gave him six children, including three sons who created families of their own.279 

François, son of Gilles Langlois, maître-orfêvre, or master goldsmith, of Paris, and Antoine Muri, born at Paris in c1680, worked as a navigator in French Acadia.  He married Madeleine, daughter of Pierre Comeau l'aîné, at Port-Royal in March 1707.  She gave the navigator a dozen children, including four sons who created families of their own.279c

François, son of Claude Raymond and Marguerite Borga of Dorai, France, was a soldier and master carpenter assigned to the Port-Royal garrison.  He married Anne, daughter of Pierre Comeau l'aîné there in June 1707, and remained after the British took over the colony.  Anne gave François 10 children, including five sons who created families of their own.279a

Louis, son of François Blin, also called Abelin and Hablain, and Jeanne Barbier of St.-Pierre, Lachine, Montréal, Canada, took up with Marie, a daughter of Olivier Daigre, widow of Pierre Sibilau, in c1707.  Marie gave Louis one child, a natural daughter born at Grand-Pré in December 1708, before she remarried to Jacques Gouzil in c1711.  (Marie had borne a natural child by Gabriel Moulaison in c1702.  Marie's natural daughter by Louis Blin, Anne, married Michel Picot III at Grand-Pré in February 1731.)  Meanwhile, Louis returned to his native Canada, perhaps because of his illicit relationship with Marie, and married Marguerite, daughter of Jean Mineau dit Lumina, at Rivière-Ouelle, on the lower St. Lawrence, in April 1709.  Marguerite gave Louis 14 more children, all born on the St. Lawrence.280 

Jean dit La Giroflée, son of Claude Turpin and Anne Prission of Sancerre en Berry, France, was a sergeant in the compagnie de Duvivier at Port-Royal when he married Catherine, a daughter of Jean Bourg, at Port-Royal in January 1708.  Catherine gave the sergeant seven children, including a son whose given name and his spouse's name have been lost to history.281 

Gabriel-Louis, son of Gabriel Rousseau, sieur de la Gorre et de Villejoin, gentlehomme servant son altesse royale Gaston de France, and Dame Marie Baudron, born at St.-Honoré, Blois, France, inherited his father's title, sieur de Villejoin, and served as an officer in the Detachment of Marines at Fort Louis, Plaisance, Newfoundland, then a part of greater Acadia.  Gabriel-Louis married Marie-Josèphe, daughter of Sr. François Bertrand, colonel of militia and a member of the Order of St.-Louis, and Jeanne Giraudet, at Plaisance in April 1708.  Their wedding must have been a big affair; Newfoundland governor Pastour de Costebelle and dozens of other distinguished guests witnessed the ceremony.  Marie-Josèphe gave Sr. Gabriel-Louis six children, including two sons who married daughters of fellow French aristocrats, and who also were their cousins.282 

Pierre, son of Noël Surette and Françoise Colarde of Mauset, diocese of La Rochelle, France, was a sailor when he married Jeanne, a daughter of Étienne Pellerin, at Port-Royal in February 1709.  They remained at Port-Royal and settled in the parish of St.-Laurent on the haute rivière.  Although Pierre became a farmer along the upper Rivière-au-Dauphin, he also continued to work as a sailor.  Jeanne gave him nine children, including three sons who created families of their own.283 

François Bodart, Baudard, or Bodard of Brussels, a navigator, married Marie, daughter of Charles Babin, probably at Minas in c1709.  Marie gave François five children, all of them daughters.  Two of their daughters married; the fourth one, Marguerite, married Joseph, son of Michel Vincent, probably at Minas in c1745, so the blood of this family, at least, survived in the colony.284

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Queen Anne's War dragged on into its sixth and seventh years with more pillaging and murder along the New England frontier.  The hapless village of Haverhill, Massachusetts, was the hardest hit when French and Indians from Canada, again under Jean-Baptiste Hertel de Rouville, swooped down on its inhabitants in late August 1708.200  

Meanwhile, the Acadian settlements remained unmolested, at least by direct attack.  The war again seemed to be a distant thing, although the settlers at Minas had only to look at their dykes to be reminded of how quickly that could change.  New houses appeared there and at Port-Royal and Chignecto to replace the ones the New Englanders had burned.  Families grew, more land was reclaimed from the marshy wetlands, and Acadian life went on.  But Governor Subercase was not lulled by the interlude of peace that followed the retreat of Wainwright's force.  He strengthened the fort as best he could and beseeched the French Minister of Marine to send him funds, reinforcements, and provisions without delay so that he could be ready for the New Englanders when they returned, as he was certain they would do.  In Europe, the war was not going well for France, so the ministry "could not send any substantial reinforcements:  the new recruits were mere children, two-thirds of the muskets exploded in one's hands, and the soldiers and officers no longer received their pay."  The only assistance Subercase received, then, were two small ships loaded with Parisian boys, and provisions too meager to feed his garrison; he had not received a substantial provisioning from France since 1706.  Subercase pressed the court for more assistance and received only an angry reply from the Minister, who reminded him "that the treasury was empty, and that 'the king would abandon the colony if it continues to be such a burden.'"  As a result, "Settlers and soldiers had the impression of being forsaken by their king, who no longer even paid his debts.  Discontent and discord once again spread like a disease.  Clergy and officers denounced the governor to the court, accusing him of imposing his arbitration in the settlements of lawsuits, misusing his authority, and tolerating libertinage and over-indulgence in intoxicating liquors.  On his side Subercase complained of his officers:  one of the captains was weak in the head, another was clearly out of his mind; others were dishonest and negligent, the engineers was an eccentric, and the governor declared the he would have 'as much need of a madhouse as of barracks.'  An epidemic of purpura decimated Port-Royal and was the final blow to the morale of the population."200a

Luckily for Port-Royal, the garrison received indirect assistance from French privateers, including Louis Denys de La Ronde, who preyed on English shipping along the Atlantic coast and used Port-Royal as a base of operations.  Louis-Pierre Morpain, who had helped save Port-Royal in 1707, returned to Acadian waters aboard the Marquis de Choiseul, a vessel belonging to François-Joseph de Choiseul de Beaupré, the governor of St.-Domingue.  Like Denys de La Ronde, but to the chagrin of Beaupré, Morpain chose Port-Royal as his base of operations and was even more successful against New English shipping.  Subercase welcomed the young corsair and urged him "to remain there 'and even to take a wife there.'"  Morpain must have thought it was a capital idea.  Leaving some of his men with Subercase, he returned to St.-Domingue, incurred the wrath of his powerful patron, who was not happy that his assets had been used to assist a faraway colony, evidently returned the governor's ship to him, and returned to Port-Royal.  On 13 Aug 1709, at Port-Royal, the 23-year-old privateer married Marie-Josèphe, 16-year-old daughter of Louis D'Amours de Chaffours, a seigneur on Rivière St.-Jean, and wedded his interests, both personal and professional, to Acadia.  Another French privateer menacing New English shipping was Jean Rodrigue, who commanded the bark La Sainte-Anne; interestingly, one of Rodrigue's crewmen was 22-year-old François Dugas of Port-Royal.  Unfortunately for the Acadian farmers in the Fundy settlements, the success of the privateers, though it provided succor for the colonial capital, ruined what little trade there was between New England merchants who were ignoring the war and Acadians who were always eager to trade for English goods.  Worse yet, these depredations against New England's primary industry fueled the angry Bostonians' resolve to destroy the Port-Royal menace once and for all.201

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In the spring of 1709, two colonial shakers and movers, Colonels Samuel Vetch and Francis Nicholson, returned to Boston from London with orders from Queen Anne herself to end the war in the colonies.  It would be done not by negotiation but by force of arms, and Canada would be the primary objective, Port-Royal a secondary one.  For the first time since Phips's failed attempt to take Québec 19 years before, the English would try to capture Montréal and Québec, again with overwhelming force.202  

No two more interesting men could have been chosen to lead the venture.  The 41-year-old Vetch was a native of Scotland who had settled in Albany 10 years before and established a successful trade with the Indians.  In 1706, he, too, had been implicated in the illegal trade with Port-Royal and fined heavily.  His conviction, however, had been overturned by a friendly court ruling, and he remained in the good graces of the English authorities in London.  The plan of campaign was essentially his.  The queen's government empowered him to raise the necessary force in the colonies to subdue New France.  Nicholson, who was age 54 at the time, was one of the most distinguished colonial administrators of the age.  He had served as lieutenant governor of the ill-starred Dominion of New England two decades before and had fled with Sir Edmond Andros to England when a revolt in New York toppled Andros's regime in 1689.  The next year Nicholson returned to the colonies as lieutenant governor of Virginia.  He governed Maryland from 1694-98 and returned to Virginia in 1698 as governor general.  Quarrels there led to his ouster in 1705.  He nevertheless remained a favorite of Queen Anne and her ministers, was made a colonel and placed in command of the Canadian operation.203

An historian of the war describes the objective of the expedition:  "In brief, the plan of operations was this:  The campaign was to be opened by a combined attack upon Québec and Montréal, both by sea and land.  The fall of Canada would, of course, involve that of Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, and all the rest of the French possessions on the continent, which would then come definitively under British rule, once and forever."  To this end, Massachusetts would supply 1,000 militiamen, Rhode Island 200, for the attack against Québec by sea from Boston.  The larger force for the sea borne operation would consist of five regiments of redcoat regulars, 3,000 men, for a total of 4,200 men in the attack upon Québec.  For the land expedition against Montréal, to be commanded by Nicholson with Vetch as his second in command, Connecticut would raise 350 men, New York 800, Pennsylvania 150, and New Jersey 300, a total of 1,600 militiamen to rendezvous at Albany in May.  The combined force of nearly 6,000 regulars and militiamen and hundreds more sailors and marines was over twice the size of Phips' expedition of 1690.  Surely if all went well for the English, both Canada and Acadia would be theirs at last and they would dominate North America.204

Things went terribly for the hapless British.  Colonel Nicholson's part of the operation started badly when New Jersey and Pennsylvania refused to furnish the 450 men allotted to them.  Undeterred, Nicholson made this up by employing 600 Iroquois warriors and their families, keeping his total force for the attack on Montreal at a respectable 1,500 men.  He moved up the Hudson from Albany on schedule, cutting a road for his supplies and a possible retreat route, and halted at Wood Creek, which would take his force into Lake Champlain.  Here he waited for word of the larger movement from Boston, built canoes and waited for flat boats to be floated up the Hudson and dragged overland to his position.  At Wood Creek he skirmished with a small French force from Montréal, which quickly slipped away to alert the big French garrison.205

In Boston, meanwhile, Governor Dudley and his lieutenants, including Vetch, gathered their transports and waited for the British squadron filled with redcoats and marines to arrive from England.  Spring slipped quietly into summer, which gave way to autumn, and still they waited.  Nicholson's force waiting at Wood Creek dwindled with each passing day when dysentery struck the troops in their filthy camps.  Finally, a dispatch vessel from London arrived at Boston:  the English squadron and the redcoats the queen had promised them had been sent to Portugal instead.  The stout walls of Québec and Montréal would remain untouched by English fire.206

Colonel Nicholson would not give up.  "Unwilling to throw away what had cost so much time, trouble, and expense to get together, the New England governors met Nicholson, Vetch, and Moody at Rehobeth, October 14th, to see what was to be done.  It was unanimously decided to send the New England forces against Port Royal, provided the queen's ships then at Boston and New York would co-operate."  The Royal Navy balked, however, and there was nothing left to do but disband the entire force and send them home.207

And, again, Colonel Nicholson, Captain Vetch, and Governor Dudley refused to give up on an attack against the Acadian menace.  A recent historian of the conflict describes the preparations for yet another expedition against the French colony:  "Though deeply disappointed, the dogged New Englanders did not give up all hope of reprisal; once again they lowered their sights from Quebec to Port Royal.  England was again persuaded to provide ships, and in 1710 Massachusetts again rounded up its semidrilled throng of farmers, mechanics, plowboys, clerks and apprentices.  The soldiers of 1709 were asked to enlist again, this time lured by the promise that they might keep the muskets supplied them.  Once again, when volunteers fell below quotas, the colony calmly drafted the reluctant.  Seamen were impressed by the forefathers of that nation which would fight a war to protect its seamen from British press gangs, and the parents of those sturdy provincials who would make mock of the dainties in the elaborate war train of Gentleman Johnny Burgoyne did not hesitate to vote 20 sheep, 5 pigs, 100 fowl and 1 pipe of wine for the table of General Nicholson.  A dinner was held at the Green Dragon Tavern in honor of Nicholson, Vetch and Sir Charles Hobby, the British squadron commander, and on the following morning, September 18, the expedition numbering about 40 ships, large and small, sailed for Acadia."  Nicholson commanded the expedition with Vetch as his chief of staff.  The New England force numbered 2,000 men, including a regiment of Royal Marines and four battalions of provincial militia commanded by colonels Sir Charles Hobby and William Tailer of Massachusetts, Colonel William Whiting of Connecticut, and Colonel Shadrach Walton of New Hampshire.  A force of Iroquois also accompanied the expedition.  Nicholson's ships reached the entrance to the basin at Port-Royal on September 24.208

Daniel d'Auger de Subercase, the successful defender of Port-Royal in 1707, still governed Acadia in 1710.  In the fort this time were only about 260 French troupes de la marine, "the greater part of whom he was afraid to trust outside of the fort for fear of them deserting."  Worse yet, the fort itself was in a ramshackle condition, its ramparts hardly defendable.  Not since the previous siege, three years before, had France or Canada bothered to resupply the garrison.  When the English ships appeared at the entrance to Port-Royal basin, Subercase rushed a dispatch to the authorities in France stating that "if the garrison received no succor, there was 'every reason to fear something fatal.'"209

How true were his words.  Deserters from the French garrison met the New Englanders in the basin and revealed the weakness of the fort to the enemy.  Though one of Nicholson's ships ran onto the rocks at the entrance to the basin and sank with the loss of 26 men, his other vessels anchored safely in sight of the fort.  The next day, September 25, the Yankees landed virtually unopposed on both sides of the river.  They moved immediately against the fort, two battalions under Vetch attacking from the north, two under Nicholson attacking from the south.  Subercase did not sally out to meet them; "no one would have come back!"  The only resistance to the New English approach came from some of the Acadians living on the line of march who fired at the Yankees from their houses before hurrying into the countryside.  Meanwhile, the New English warships lobbed shells into the fort while Subercase fired what artillery he had at the approaching New Englanders.  The French fire compelled the New Englanders to dig trenches for cover and to resort to siege tactics.  His trenches already within easy artillery range of the fort, Nicholson brought up his field guns and supervised their emplacement.  From the river, a New English galliot hurled shells at the French after each nightfall.  Three breaching batteries stood ready by October 1, when they opened fire from a range of only a hundred yards.  A New English shell "blew off a corner of the [fort's] powder magazine," panicking the garrison, 55 of whom, including 50 militiamen, deserted their post that evening.  It also frightened many of the settlers taking refuge in the fort, who beseeched the governor to surrender.  Among the severely wounded in the bombardment was local landholder turned ensign Charles Saint-Étienne de La Tour, fils, age 47, who inherited some of his father's finer qualities.  The next day, after a desultory return fire and a council of officers that advised him to surrender, "Subercase asked for terms" but refused to surrender precipitately.  Both sides exchanged hostages and envoys, terms were discussed, and a capitulation was accepted and signed on October 13.  "Once more the golden Bourbon lilies came fluttering down Port Royal's flagstaff; the defenders--about 250 men--came marching out with drums rolling, colors flying and arms reversed; the English troops went marching in, the Union Jack went up the pole, the Queen's health was drunk--and in the morning the distressed French ladies of the fort were treated to a breakfast by the English officers."  Another historian describes the defeated troupes de la marine:  "Honour was saved, but the sight of these starving soldiers in rags and tatters, many of whom were no more than adolescents, saddened even the victors."210

No one could know it, but the fleurs-de-lis would never fly over Port-Royal again.  One hundred and five years after Poutrincourt had christened the fledgling French settlement that he and de Monts had planted on the shores of the wide basin, the name "Port-Royal" slipped quietly into history.  Here, historian John Grenier reminds us, "was the first French territory that the British Empire seized and held in the New World.  Prior to 1710, groups of English adventurers had only raided, sacked, and temporarily occupied French colonial possessions.  All the territory that the English conquered in the Americas thus far had come at the expense of Indians, the Spanish (Jamaica in 1655), or the Dutch (New Netherlands, or New York, in 1664)."  The village which clustered around the old French fort Nicholson re-christened Annapolis Royal, often shortened to Annapolis, in honor of the Queen; likewise, the beaten down French bastions he dubbed Fort Anne; and the English resurrected "Nova Scotia" as their name for the entire colony--a crowning touch in their twenty-year effort to conquer French Acadia.211

Nicholson's generous terms extended to the disposition of Subercase, Denys de Bonaventure, and the rag-tag garrison, as well as the French civil officials, including Mathieu de Goutin, and their families.  They were transported to France on three ships, which reached Nantes on December 1.  Bonaventure went on the La Rochelle.  Subercase, "accused of negligence by some officers, and reprimanded by [Governor-General] Vaudreuil and the minister, was summoned before a court martial at Rochefort, but rapidly acquitted."211a

Nicholson, meanwhile, turned on the inhabitants of Nova Scotia.  The terms of surrender provided protection only to those Acadians who lived within three English miles of the fort:  the 481 habitants dwelling in what was called the banlieue.  To secure protection, they were compelled to take an oath of allegiance to Queen Anne without qualification.  All others--those in the upper river above Port-Royal, at Minas, Pigiguit, Cobeguit, Chignecto, the trois-rivières, Rivière St.-Jean, Pobomcoup, Mirliguèche, La Hève, and other settlements, that is, the great majority of Acadians--would be "treated as prisoners at discretion, or as subject to such penalties as the conquerors might see fit to impose."  Nicholson promptly sent envoys overland to Québec to inform the Canadian governor-general, still Vaudreuil, that Port-Royal was now in English hands.  He warned the Frenchman that "if the discriminate massacre of innocent women and children by his hired cut-throats was persisted in, then the Acadians would be treated in a like manner."  He left Vetch to govern the captured garrison, with a battalion of 450 Royal Marines and New Englanders to assist him.  No committee of citizens would be left to run the town as Phips had decreed 20 years before.  Some families packed up and headed for Canada, but the majority of the Acadians stayed in their homes, determined to endure whatever else history threw at them.212

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As autumn slipped into winter with its snow and ice, and spring finally arrived with its welcome thaw, the Acadians became more and more agitated over the prospect of remaining under English rule.  One of the provisions of the hated terms of surrender dictated by Nicholson and Vetch was that "All French must be deported outside the country, save those who adopt Protestantism.  That it would be most advantageous for the Crown that this measure be effected with all possible speed and that they be replaced with Protestant families from England or Ireland ...."  The inhabitants within cannon shot--three miles--of Annapolis Royal were not affected by this decree, but every other settlement in Acadia fell under it.  The Acadians were devout Catholics who would never dream of converting to Protestantism or of giving up their land to foreigners.  They were not the sort of people who would sit idly by while the English destroyed their way of life.213  

An incident on the haute rivière that winter no doubt soured relations between the British at Annapolis and the Acadians in the basin.  Historian John Mack Faragher relates:  "The first sign of Acadian resistance came in January 1711.  Vetch had sent the garrison's commander, a Huguenot from Bordeaux named Peter Capon, to negotiate the purchase of grain from Pierre Leblanc, captain of the Port Royal militia and chief inhabitant of the haute rivière....  As the two men sat talking in Leblanc's house one evening, a group of armed Acadians burst in 'with their firelocks cocked,' seized Capon, and dragged him out into the night.  Leblanc quickly put an end to the incident by going after them and arranging for Capon's release, paying a ransom of 20 pistoles; but Vetch kept the pot boiling by sending an officer and fifty armed men to Saint-Laurent chapel in the haute rivière the following Sunday morning to arrest Father Justinien Durand, pastor of the parish of Saint-Jean-Baptiste [on the lower river], as well as a score of leading inhabitants--merchants Louis Allain and Germain Bourgeois along with their eldest sons; wealthy inhabitant Jean Comeau; François Brossard; and Captain Pierre Leblanc himself.  'This was done in reprizal of what they had done Mr. Capon,' Vetch announced.  There is no evidence that any of them had anything to do with planning the incident, and Leblanc had been the one who rescued Capon.  But Bourgeois was well known as the man who had bravely confronted Major Benjamin Church and his invaders at Beaubassin in 1696, and Brossard was acknowledged to be a dissident, and would raise two sons who would become prominent leaders of the resistance to British rule.  The hostages would not be released, Vetch declared, until the Acadians delivered the persons responsible for Capon's abduction."  The aftermath likely was never forgotten by area Acadians.  The upper river inhabitants "remained in the dungeon [at Fort Anne] for several weeks, and Bourgeois died soon after his release, according to his family, as the direct result of his suffering."  Teenagers Pierre and Joseph, younger sons of Claude Thériot of Minas, ages 17 and 15, respectively, also died from their imprisonment.  Father Durand "was sent to Boston, where," says Faragher, "he languished in jail for nearly a year before being released in a prisoner exchange with French authorities in Quebec."   "[A]lthough numerous inhabitants surely knew the identity of the men responsible" for the attack on Capon, Faragher insists, "no one informed the British."213a

The settlers at Minas and Chignecto heard, no doubt, about the arrest and imprisonment of their fellow Acadians at Annapolis Royal.  They also heard that the garrison of royal marines, who had not fared well over the Acadian winter, had been replaced by semi-drilled New England militiamen, and that sickness and desertion had reduced the ranks of the New Englanders by over half, making them vulnerable to attack.  The Acadians appealed to Bernard-Anselme de Saint-Castin, Jean-Vincent's 22-year-old métis son, who had married a daughter of a Rivière St.-Jean seigneur a few years before and was now a capitaine de sauvages in his own right, to help them retake the old fort.  In late June 1711, the young Saint-Castin and his Abenaki crossed the Bay of Fundy undetected by the English and joined a group of armed settlers from Minas and Chignecto for a go at Annapolis Royal.  Perhaps as a part of this operation, Abraham Gaudet of Chignecto "set up an ambush, which resulted in his taking prisoner an English messenger from the Annapolis garrison."  Saint-Castin and his Indians approached to within a dozen miles of the fort at Annapolis and fell upon a party of 70 Englishmen searching for building timber at a place still called Bloody Creek.  A sharp skirmish left over a dozen of the Englishmen dead and the rest captured.  With the Annapolis garrison much reduced and more armed Acadians sure to appear, the chances of retaking the fort were even greater.  The Acadians and Saint-Castin appealed to Vaudreuil for reinforcements.  They also alerted the governor of Plaisance in Newfoundland, who promised to send them what cannon he could spare via French privateer Pierre Morpain, who had helped save Port-Royal in 1707.  Morpain had been running munitions and supplies to the Acadians since he had taken up residence at Plaisance earlier in the year.  The young privateer, whose success up to that time had been phenomenal, set out again in "a brigantine loaded with ammunition" destined for Saint-Castain, but his luck finally ran out.  Morpain's vessel was intercepted by an English frigate.  After a three-hour battle, the privateer was overwhelmed, captured, and taken to St. John's, Newfoundland, where he was held until 1712.  Meanwhile, June became July as the Acadians patiently waited for the men and cannon that never came.214  

Unfortunately for the Acadians, their timing was terrible, and the assault on Annapolis Royal never came off.  Only days before the clash at Bloody Creek, "the most formidable armament ever dispatched to these shores" began to drop sail in Boston harbor.  Colonel Nicholson, the indefatigable enemy of the Acadians, had done much to bring this virtual Armada to America.  Flushed with victory, he had returned to Boston after his easy capture of Port-Royal and soon sailed to England to stir up the Queen's government for another go at Québec and Montréal.  His timing could not have been better.  The Tories had just ousted the Whigs from power, and the Queen's new Tory ministers were "eager to discredit the Duke of Marlborough, whose stunning victories over the French and Spanish had made him the darling of the Whigs.  The Tories reasoned that if France could be evicted from America, it could be shown that this triumph would be of greater value to England than all Marlborough's victories, which were already being belittled as of more benefit to Holland and Austria than to Britain."  The Queen's new government cobbled together a force of 12,000 men, including seven regiments of Marlborough's veterans sent to England from Holland for the expedition, nine ships of war, two bomb ketches, and about 60 transports and supply vessels, 600 marines, and the requisite artillery, to be supplemented by 1,500 colonial militia to be raised in New England and commanded by Samuel Vetch.  Nicholson was given the same mission he had tried mightily to complete the year before, to move a large force of New York militia and Iroquois from Albany to Lake Champlain and to fall upon Montréal when the formidable force from England fell on Québec by way of Boston.  The armada began arriving in Boston on 24 June 1711, and, after turning Boston inside out for supplies and recruits, set sail for the St. Lawrence on July 30.  Commander of the fleet was an "armchair admiral," Sir Hovenden Walker.  In command of the army forces was a political appointee who had never seen battle, Brigadier John "Honest Jack" Hill, brother of the queen's new favorite, Mrs. Masham.  It was this force that gobbled up the cannon headed from Newfoundland to Acadia and reinforced the ailing garrison at Annapolis Royal with a fresh contingent of New England militiamen.  Saint-Castin's warriors alerted the force of 200 Canadians marching to the aid of their Acadian brethren. Vaudreuil's men, reluctant to attack a fort without cannon, turned back, and the enterprise against Annapolis Royal was ruined.  Meanwhile, on the foggy night of August 22, as he approached the mouth of the St. Lawrence River, Admiral Walker allowed part of his fleet to be dashed against the treacherous north shore of the lower St. Lawrence.  At least 900 soldiers and sailors perished in one of the worst maritime disasters of the age.  Despite still having a large enough force to capture Québec easily and ignoring the entreaties of Colonel Vetch, Walker and Hill sailed back to England and blamed the disaster on the Bostonians, whose hopes of destroying the Canadian menace once and for all were dashed once again, this time literally on the rocks of the Île-aux-Oeufs.215

Queen Anne's War sputtered on along the New England-Maine frontier, but the Tories in London had had enough.  Peace negotiations began in earnest at Utrecht in Holland, where, in April 1713, Britain and France signed the first in a series of treaties that ended 11 years of warfare in Europe and America.  Among the complex provisions of the Peace of Utrecht was a clause that affected the Acadians in a most profound way.  Having won the recognition of a Bourbon to occupy the throne of Spain, the reason why the conflict in Europe was called the War of the Spanish Succession, France agreed, among other things, to cede some of its foreign territory to Britain--its holdings along the shore of Hudson Bay, the Caribbean island of St. Kitts, the region of Newfoundland, and, in the treaty's Article 12, Acadia "with the ancient boundaries."216

Unfortunately for everyone, especially the hapless Acadians, the treaty was vague about "the ancient boundaries" of the territory the French had called Acadia.  They would claim for decades that they had ceded only peninsula Acadia.  The British would insist that the Peace of Utrecht had "made them owners, not only of the Nova Scotian peninsula, but of all the country north of it to the St. Lawrence, or at least to the dividing ridge or height of land."  No matter, the deed was done.  Acadia now was Nova Scotia, a name the English and Scots adopted in the 1620s.  The great majority of Acadians lived on tidal lands bordering the deep inlets of the Bay of Fundy--along the shore that France clearly had ceded to Britain.  The long years of warfare with their implacable enemy, as well as the vaguely worded Peace that ended the conflict, sowed seeds that would bear terrible fruit for simple farmers who wanted nothing more than to be left alone.217

End of an Era:  The Passing of the Acadian Pioneers

By the end of French control in peninsula Acadia, most of the progenitors of the European families who had come to Acadia before 1690 had breathed their last.  Many lived to a ripe old age, witnessing the birth of grandchildren and even great-grandchildren.  Some were not so lucky.  Most of them died on their farms along the basin above and below Port-Royal.  Some had moved on to Chignecto, Minas, Pigiguit, Île St.-Jean, or back to Canada or France, where they passed their final days.  Sadly, the loss of Acadian records during the colonial wars and especially during Le Grand Dérangement prevents us from determining the exact date and place of many of their burials:116 

Germain Doucet, sieur de La Verdure, was forced by the English to leave Acadia in 1654, when he was in his late 50s.  He did not return to the colony, and his death date is unknown.  As far as is known, the very first family founder to die in Acadia was the fisherman turned farmer Jean Poirier, who died probably at Port-Royal in c1654, age unknown.  Charles de Saint-Étienne de La Tour died in c1663, probably at Port-Royal, age 70.  Étienne, the younger of the two Hébert brothers, died at Port-Royal between 1669 and 1671, on the eve of the first census; his birth year is unknown, but he probably died in his middle age.  François Guérin probably was in his middle age, also, when he died before the first census. 

Other early-family progenitors died in the colony during the 1670s.  Jean Gaudet died in the middle of the decade, over 100 years old.  Several progenitors were counted in the colony in 1671 but not in 1678 or 1686, so they probably died during the 1670s.  Jean Thériot would have been in his 70s.  François Savoie would have been in his 50s.  Vincent Brun would have been in his 60s.  François Pellerin died in c1678, age 43.  Antoine Gougeon also died that year, age 52.  Pierre Martin, père died late in the decade, in his 70s.  René Landry l'aîné died between 1678 and 1686, perhaps in his early 60s.  Étienne Robichaud also died between 1678 and 1686, in his mid- or late 40s.  Pierre Lejeune dit Briard may have died during the decade, age undetermined.  Pierre Cyr died probably at Chignecto in c1679, age 35. 

More early-family founders died during the peaceful 1680s.  Pierre Vincent died perhaps early in the decade, in his early or mid-50s.  Guillaume Trahan died in c1684, age 83.  Vincent Breau died in c1685, in his mid-50s.  Pierre Godin dit Châtillon died on the eve of the 1686 census, in his mid-50s.  Pierre Comeau was counted at Port-Royal in 1686; the census taker, Sr. de Meulles, said he was age 88 at the time; Pierre died before the next census in 1693, in his late 80s or, more likely, his early 90s.  Antoine Hébert died in the late 1680s or early 1690s, in his late 60s or early 70s.  Jean Blanchard died between the censuses of 1686 and 1693, in his late 70s or early 80s.  Olivier Daigre died about the same time, in his early 40s.  Barnabé Martin also died about then, probably in his late 40s.  Michel Richard dit Sansoucy died between 1686 and 1689, in his late 50s.  Jean Pitre died after the census of 1686, perhaps later in the decade, in his early 50s.  Antoine Babin died between 1686 and 1688, in his late 50s.  Antoine Belliveau may have died late in the decade, in his 60s.  Michel Boudrot died between August 1688 and 1693, in his late 80s or early 90s.  René Rimbault was age 70 in 1686, so he may have died later in the decade. 

Early-family progenitors died during the turbulent 1690s.  Antoine Bourg died between October 1687 and 1693, in his late 70s or early 80s.  Thomas Cormier died at Chignecto in c1690, in his mid-50s.  His father-in-law, François Girouard, died at Port-Royal in the early 1690s, in his early 70s.  Guyon Chiasson dit La Vallée died probably in the early 1690s, in his mid-50s.  Michel/Geyret de Forest died probably in the early 1690s, in his early 50s.  Claude Petitpas died in c1691, in his mid-50s.  Jacques Leprince died at Pigiguit in either 1692 or 1693, in his mid-40s.  René Landry le jeune died at Port-Royal by 1693, in his mid- or late 50s.  Alexandre Le Borgne de Bélisle, former governor and seigneur of Port-Royal, died at his home near the Acadian capital in c1693, in his early 50s.  François Gautrot died in c1693, age 80.  Mathieu D'Amours, sieur de Chauffours et de Matane, a member of Canada's Superior Council, died at Québec in October 1695, in his late 70s, probably never having lived in greater Acadia.  Daniel LeBlanc died between 1695 and 1698, in his late 60s or early 70s, probably at Port-Royal.  Abraham Dugas died probably at Port-Royal during the 1690s, in his late 70s or early 80s.  Martin Benoit dit Labrière was still alive at Port-Royal in 1694, the year his youngest child was born; he would have been in his early 40s that year; he died at Port-Royal, date unrecorded. 

Early-family founders died during the final days of French control of peninsula Acadia.  Pierre Chênet, sieur Dubreuil, an important French official, died probably at Port-Royal by 1700, in his late 40s or early 50s.  Jacques Triel dit Laperrière died probably at Port-Royal by 1700, in his early 50s.  Philippe Mius d'Entremont, retired seigneur of Pobomcoup, died either at Port-Royal or at a daughter's home at Minas in 1700 or 1701, age about 91.  Charles Melanson dit Le Ramée also died in 1700 or 1701, in his late 50s.  Jacques dit Jacob Bourgeois, founder of the Chignecto settlement, died probably at Port-Royal in 1701, in his early 80s.  Laurent Granger died between 1700 and 1703, in his late 50s.  Michel Dupuis may have died early in the 1700s, perhaps in his early 60s.  Pierre Guilbeau died probably at Port-Royal in November 1703, age 64.  Pierre Thibodeau, founder of the Chepoudy settlement, died at Prée-Ronde, near Port-Royal, in December 1704, in his early 70s.  Jean Serreau, sieur de Saint-Aubin, seigneur of Ste.-Croix and Passamaquoddy, died at Port-Royal in March 1705, age 85.  Pierre Bézier dit Joan dit Larivière died at Port-Royal in March 1706, age 80.  François Lapierre dit Laroche died at Chignecto by 1707, in his mid- or late 50s.  Étienne Rivet died at Pigiguit by 1707, in his early or mid-50s.  Jean-Vincent d'Abbadie, third baron de Saint-Castin, the French officer turned capitaine de sauvages, died at Pau, France, in 1707, in his mid-50s.  René Bernard died probably at Chignecto after 1707, in his mid- or late 40s.  Pierre Cellier dit Normand died at Minas in January 1710, in his early 60s.  Philippe Pinet died in October 1710, in his late 50s. 

However, many early-family progenitors, most of them 1670s and 1680s arrivals, were still living years, even decades, after the British seized the colony in 1710.  Pierre Lanoue died between 1707 and 1714, in his late 50s or early 60s, place unrecorded.  François Moyse dit Latreille, described as an inhabitant at Passamaquoddy, died on the haute rivière, above Annapolis Royal, in January 1711, in his late 50s.  Martin Aucoin died at Minas in May 1711, age 60; the priest who buried him noted in the church record:  "mort subitement le jour de l'Ascension au retour de la messe, ayant toujours vécu fort chrétiennement et avec édification"--that is, he died suddenly on Ascension Day returning from mass, having always lived a very Christian and edifying life.  Jean-Aubin Mignot dit Châtillon died at the Hôtel-Dieu de Québec in September 1712, age 62.  Jean Corporon died in February 1713, age 66.  Master surgeon Denis Petitot dit Saint-Seine was living at Cappe, near Annapolis Royal, in 1714; he would have been in his early 50s that year; the date of his death, likely at Annapolis Royal, has been lost.  The same is true for butcher André Simon dit Jacques Le Boucher, who would have been the same age in 1714.  Pierre Arseneau died at Chignecto by 1714, in his early 60s.  François Levron dit Nantois died at Annapolis Royal in June 1714, in his early 60s.  Mathieu de Goutin, former French official at Port-Royal, died at his new post on Île Royale on Christmas Day 1714, in his early 50s.  Pierre Melanson dit La Verdure, fils, the son-in-law of the old seigneur of Pobomcoup, and the pioneer of Grand-Pré, died at Minas after the 1714 census, probably in his early 80s.  Roger dit Jean Caissie died probably at Chignecto perhaps in the mid-or late 1710s, in his late 60s; he, along with Pierre Melanson, were the last of the family progenitors counted in the first census to return to our ancestors.  Robert Henry died probably at Minas after 1714, in his 70s.  Five years after he was imprisoned by the British in Fort Anne, François Brossard died suddenly at his farm on haute rivière in December 1716, in his early 60s.  François Michel dit La Ruine was still living at L'Assomption, Pigiguit, in 1717 when his youngest child was born there; he would have been in his late 60s that year.  Étienne Pellerin died at Annapolis Royal in November 1722, in his mid-70s.  Nicolas Babineau dit Deslauriers died probably at Annapolis Royal by November 1723, in his late 60s.  Claude Guédry dit Grivois dit Laverdure died somewhere on the Atlantic coast after January 1723, in his late 70s.  Julien Lord died at Annapolis Royal in February or March 1724, in his early 70s.  Claude Bertrand died by February 1727, perhaps at Cap-Sable, in his 70s.  Louis Saulnier died probably at Minas after April 1730, in his late 60s or early 70s.   Jean Préjean dit Le Breton died at Annapolis Royal in June 1733, in his early 80s.  Jean or Joannis Bastarache dit Le Basque died at Annapolis Royal in September 1733, in his mid-70s.  Jean Doiron died at Ste.-Famille, Pigiguit, between April 1735 and June 1736, in his mid-80s.  Michel Haché dit Gallant died at Port-Lajoie, Île St.-Jean, in July 1737, in his early 70s.  Former privateer Pierre dit Baptiste Maisonnat died by August 1732, when his third wife's burial record called her his widow; he had been counted at Chignecto in 1714, when he would have been in his early 50s.  Louis Allain died at Annapolis Royal in June 1737, in his early 80s.  Sr. Jacques Michel dit Saint-Michel died at Annapolis Royal in February 1748, age 90. 

Emmanuel Mirande dit Tavare, the Portuguese, was still living at Chignecto in 1700; he would have been in his early 50s that year.  Louis-Noël Labauve was still living, probably at Minas, in 1707, the year his youngest child was born; he would have been in his late 40s that year.  François Amireau dit Tourangeau was still living at Cap-Sable in 1708, in his mid-60s.  Jean Roy dit La Liberté was still living at Port-Royal in 1708, when his last child was born there; he would have been in his late 50s that year.  Similarly, the place and date of Jean Labarre's, René Lambert's, and Guillaume Le Juge's has been lost to  history. 

_______________________________________

BOOK TWO            BOOK THREE            BOOK FOUR                BOOK FIVE             BOOK SIX

NOTES - BOOK ONE

01.  Much of the information in the foregoing paragraphs can be found in any good textbook, encyclopedia, or online Wikipedia article dedicated to the Age of Exploration.  A recent detailed treatment of the subject is Fernández-Armesto, Pathfinders, chaps. 4-6.  See also Erskine, Nova Scotia, 6; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 28, 36ff. 

Taylor, A., American Colonies, 25-26, offers a review of Islam's triumph over the European Crusaders & further Muslim advances in southeastern Europe during the 15th century that created "a powerful sense of geographic and religious claustrophobia" among European thinkers, which, ironically, motivated them "to break out and circumvent the Muslim world."  Quotations from p. 26.  On p. 29, Taylor emphasizes the private, capitalistic nature of the Genoese & Iberian ventures down the northwest coast of Africa, including the discovery & exploitation of the Canaries, Madeira, & the Azores. 

On the origins of the West African slave trade, see Diggins, On Hallowed Ground, 261-62, 266, which offers a grand perspective of the institution in Western & African history.  Trudel, Canada's Forgotten Slaves, 18, offers the date 1444 as the beginning of European enslavement of West Africans. 

Amerigo Vespucci, of course, was the first to use the term mundus novus, or New World, in 1503.  See online Wikipedia, "New World."

02.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 140; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:167; online Wikipedia, "Tadoussac."  See also Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 113, 129; Hoffman, pp. 139, 173, 175, 210; Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:275; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier."

Trudel, "Cartier," 1:167, points out that Canada was then considered to be only a small part of the region centered at Stadacona.  The word canada is St. Lawrence Iroquoian for "village."  It was Cartier who applied the word not only to Stadacona, but also to the St. Lawrence River &, eventually, the region thru which it flowed.  See online Wikipedia, "St. Lawrence Iroquoians." 

The St. Lawrence turns brackish near Tadoussac & becomes fresh by the time one reaches Île-aux-Coudres.  See Hoffman, p. 207. 

Hoffman, p. 209, Fig. 58, is entitled "The geography of the country of Canada at the time of Cartier," & includes the names & locations of Canadian Iroquois villages, regional tribes, & geographic names. 

Today, the Montagnais call themselves Innu.  Champlain would encounter them at Tadoussac in 1603, nearly three-quarters of a century later.  See Fischer, pp. 129-30, 251-53, 683n81; note 05d, below. 

02a.  Quotation from Allain, "Not Worth a Straw," 1, who mentions de Gonneville & the role of Breton, Norman, & Basque fishermen in French Atlantic commerce.  See also Allain, p. 2; note 02, above. 

02b.  See Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 112; online Wikipedia, "Lucas Vásquez de Ayllón," "San Miguel de Gualdape." 

Deans, The River Where America Began, 120, notes that the first African slaves taken to America arrived at Hispaniola in 1501, only 9 years after Columbus's first voyage to the region.  By the time of de Ayllón's venture, then, slaves were well established in the Spanish colony.  Online Wikipedia, "San Miguel de Gualdape," says not only that de Ayllón's settlement marked the first use of slave labor in territory now comprising the United States of America, but also that the slave revolt there was the first in the history of North American.  Taking advantage of political disputes among the settlers probably after de Ayllón died, the slaves ran off into the wilderness to live with the natives. 

In 1521, Gordillo & de Quejo, at the behest of de Ayllón, sailed perhaps to the mouth of today's Pee Dee River, into a region the Indians called Chicora, captured Indian slaves who spoke a Siouan language, & took them back to Hispaniola.  Among the slaves was Francisco de Chicora, who gave de Ayllón much information about his land & people &, in Spain, even agreed to an interview with the court cartographer, Peter Martyr.  After obtaining a patent from King Carlos I, de Ayllón sent Quejo on a second voyage in 1523 that took him as far north as today's Delaware Bay.  The slaver captured Indians in every district he touched upon, ostensibly to teach them Spanish so that they could serve as interpreters.  De Ayllón took the Indian Francisco with him to Chicora in 1526, but Francisco escaped soon after they reached his homeland.  Online Wikipedia, "San Miguel de Gualdape," says that de Ayllón lost his ship "at a river he named the Jordan, probably the Santee."  Online Wikipedia, "Lucas Vásquez de Ayllón," says the ship was lost at the mouth of Winyah Bay, which is north of the Santee.  The online Wikipedia articles say that attempts to locate de Ayllón's settlement farther north, including the 1609 expedition by Francisco Fernández de Écija looking for an English settlement established in the Chesapeake Bay area, proved fruitless, as have recent scholarly efforts to locate Tierra de Ayllón farther up the coast from GA.  The online articles also say that SC state archaeologists are attempting to locate the remains of de Ayllón's lost vessel in Winyah Bay. 

Hoffman, p. 117, documents a fishing venture out of Bayonne in 1527, & another out of La Rochelle in 1533, but no royally-sanctified voyages of discovery left France from 1528, when Verrazano's third expedition sailed to the West Indies, & Cartier's first voyage in 1534.  However, as Hoffman, pp. 117-21, shows, King Henry VIII of England finally turned his attention westward.  In May 1527, he sent an expedition of 2 ships from London, evidently the Mary of Guildford & the Sampson, "'to seke strange regions.'"  This included the elusive northern passage to Asia.  The ships crossed from Plymouth in June, sailing northwestward across the Atlantic.  On the passage over, a storm separated them, & one of the ships may have been lost.  The surviving vessel sailed on, hoping to find the northern passage, but in Jul the sea ice & then the surprisingly warm water of the upper Gulf Stream drove her crew south towards Newfoundland.  They anchored at "Cape de Bas" for 10 days, waiting for their consort.  Sailing north again, they encountered more ice, & then turned south to St. John's, Newfoundland, which they reached in early Aug & where they hoped to meet their fellow Englishmen.  At St. John's, they encountered a dozen fishing vessels from Normandy, Brittany, & Portugal & stayed there a week.  During that time, their pilot, a Piedmontese, was killed by natives when the Englishmen attempted to go ashore.  Hearing no more of their consort, they may have re-crossed the Atlantic, returning to England in early Oct, or they may have headed south along the Atlantic coast, essentially following the route of Gomez and passing the site of the recently abandoned Spanish settlement under de Ayllón.  In Nov, an English vessel appeared at "the Port of Santo Domingo" in the West Indies, its crew hoping to take on fresh water & provisions, but the Spanish drove them away.  The Englishmen continued on to Puerto Rico, where they found settlers willing to trade with them, & then the Spanish heard no more of them.  After quoting at length the extant accounts of the English expedition, Hoffman, pp. 120-21, postulates that the English vessel at St. John's may not have been the same vessel that encountered the Spanish in the West Indies but rather its missing consort.  How else could one explain the return of one of the expedition's vessels in early Oct, a month before an English ship encountered the Spanish at Santo Domingo?  See also Hoffman, p. 197. 

Charles V was the Hapsburg Holy Roman Emperor who ruled much of central Europe & Italy from Jun 1519 to his abdication in Aug 1556.  From Mar 1516 to Jan 1556, however, jointly with his mother Joanna until her death in 1555, he also ruled as King of Castille & Léon, & King of Aragon & Sicily--the first of that name in those kingdoms, hence Carlos I.  As ruler of both Castille & Aragon jointly, Carlos I was, in fact, the first King of Spain or Spains, as it also was called.  See online Wikipedia, "Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor." 

02c.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 32, 112; Parkman, France & England, 1:149.  See also Hoffman, pp. 30-31, 113; online Wikipedia, "Jean Ango," which says that Ango, not Aubert, owned the Pensée; note 05b, below.  

Hoffman, pp. 30, 113, notes that, according to Jesuit Fr. Pierre Biard, in an account written in 1614 & published in 1616, "This country (New France) was first discovered by French Bretons, in the year 1504," but Fr. Biard does not name the discoverers, so one wonders if they were anonymous fishermen. 

Parkman, 1:149, mentions the voyages of Denis of Honfleur & Aubert of Dieppe.  Fr. Biard's account, in Hoffman, p. 113, calls the first explorer Jean Denys, of Honfleur. 

According to Ross & Deveau, The Acadians of Nova Scotia, 6, Thomas Aubert of Dieppe "explored the coast of Labrador and supposedly took six Beothuks from Newfoundland back to France in 1509."  See also Hoffman, pp. 31, 112, who provides others details of the venture.

MacDonald, Fortune & La Tour, 1-2, points out that the Baron de Lhéry & Gueux was the same Baron de Léry & Saint-Just, as Hoffman calls him, who, when food & water ran out for his animals during the crossing from France, let them off at the first land he came to, which was Sable Island.  She also notes that the baron had married a daughter of François de Salazar, baron de Saint-Just & seigneur de Sauvages, Clages, Baigneux, & Courson-le-Chatel, a descendant of Basques from the Spanish Pyrenees, & that 4 of de Salazar's descendants--Poutrincourt, Biencourt, & the La Tours--would loom large in early Acadian history.  See notes 06b & 10e, below. 

Louis XII ruled France from 1498-1515, & François I, his son-in-law, from 1515-47.  See online Wikipedia, "List of French Monarchs." 

02d.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 108, 111; Morley, "Verrazzano," in DCB, 1:659.  See also Hoffman, pp. 105-07, 109-10, 112, 114, including Fig. 33, "Verrazano's voyage of 1524, showing the course up the Atlantic coast of North America," p. 109; Morley, "Verrazzano," 1:658; Parkman, France & England, 1:149ff; online Wikipedia, "Giovanni de Verrazzano."  

Morley, "Verrazzano," 1:659, notes that Verrazzano's description of his voyage, written soon after he returned to France, "records the earliest geographical and topological description of a continuous North Atlantic coast of America derived from a known exploration, and his observation on the Indians is the first ethnological account of America north of Mexico." 

For a discussion of the origin of the name "Acadia," see Clark, A. H., Acadia, 71-72, especially note 1 (one of Clark’s sources in this discussion is P. C. Cormier’s L’Origine et l’histoire du nom Acadie, avec un discours su d’autres noms de lieu Acadiens, published in 1966); Erskine, Nova Scotia, 5; Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 6; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 150, 152; Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 467n3; MacDonald, Fortune & La Tour, 200n5; Morley, "Verrazzano," 1:659; Parkman, France & England, 1:184n2.  Arsenault, History, 11, insists that Verrazzano “was so overwhelmed by the beauty and majesty of the primeval forest reaching down to the sea that it reminded him of descriptions of Arcadia in ancient Greece.”  Current scholarship says that the true origin of the future colony's name is the French corruption of a Mi'kmaq word, acada, akade, or cadie, which means "place," "fertile place," or "good place to live," not Verrazzano's "Arcadia," which he applied to the Chesapeake area (Fischer, p. 150, says North Carolina), not to present-day Nova Scotia. 

02e.  Quotation from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 112.

According to Allain, "Not Worth a Straw," 2, François I did not believe that simply seeing territory constituted a claim to it.  One could argue, then, that all Verrazano did for France was seek the elusive passage to Asia, which he failed to find, & map an impressive swatch of coast in North America.  Not until Jacques Cartier in the 1530s would France start making "claims" to parts of the continent. 

Frustrated by his failure to find the passage to Asia, Verrazzano made another trans-Atlantic voyage, in 1528, this one to the region south of his earlier venture, to Florida, the Bahamas, & the West Indies, where he met his end.  On Guadeloupe, the future French colony, he made the mistake of rowing ashore with minimal protection & was captured, killed, & eaten by the native Caribs.  Verrazzano never married.  His heir, brother Gerolamo, may have witnessed the navigator's grizzly demise.  See Morley, "Verrazzano," in DCB, 1:660.  Wikipedia, "Giovanni de Verrazzano," citing Samuel Eliot Morison, says Verrazzano went to Brazil in 1527 & harvested brazil wood there, but Morley, 1:660, says nothing of a voyage to Brazil, only the ones to North America & the Caribbean in 1524 & 1528. 

02f.  Quotations from Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:166; Hodson, Acadian Diaspora, 20; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 134, 135.  See also Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 12-13; Hoffman, pp. 113, 141, 173, 176-77, 179, 189, 191-95, 203-04, 209, 214; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier."

Hoffman, p. 173, citing French writer André Thevet, says that the native word meschsamecht, probably Mi'kmaq, refers to "'the dangers along the coast from an infinite number of reefs and shoals, besides which dangers of the sea pall....'"  Toudamans also is spelled Tontaniens, Toutaneens.  See Hoffman, p. 179.  Champlain & subsequent French explorers & settlers in 17th- & 18th-century Acadia/Nova Scotia would call the Mi'kmaq the Souriquois.  The British called them the Micmac, a name still common today.  See note 06e, below. 

02g.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 132; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:165.  See also Hoffman, pp. 133, Fig. 42, entitled "Itinerary of Cartier's first voyage for the French king in 1534....," 180; Trudel, "Cartier," 1:166; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier." 

Parkman, France & England, 1:149, says that Denis of Honfleur explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence in 1506; if so, then Cartier only re-discovered that body of water, but he certainly was the first European to "discover" the St. Lawrence River, on his second expedition. 

02h.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 135-36.  See also Davis, S. A., Mi'kmaq, 38; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 113; Hoffman, pp. 133, 138, 142, 163, 177, 179, 203-07, 211-12, 214; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:166; Marcel Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:275, & online; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier," "St. Lawrence Iroquoians." 

At the time Cartier encountered them at Honguedo, the territory of the Laurentian Iroquois included the St. Lawrence valley from above the falls at Montréal to the shores of Lake Ontario & down to the islands below Québec.  On their annual fishing trips, however, they paddled down the St. Lawrence as far as the Gaspé peninsula & all the way to the Strait of Belle-Isle to catch cod & hunt seals & other sea-going mammals.  See Hoffman, pp. 208-10; online Wikipedia, "St. Lawrence Iroquoians."  Hoffman, p. 202, says of their culture:  "Linguistically, these people belonged to the Iroquoian family of languages; culturally they constituted the northernmost and easternmost outpost of Iroquois culture, which was characterized by an economy based on maize agriculture, by a sedentary pattern of settlement, by fortified villages containing matrilineal extended families living communally in long-houses, by a complex clan and moiety system which formed the foundations for an extensive governmental and religious structure, and by a well-developed pattern of warfare.  These traits stand in sharp contrast to those of the surrounding Algonquian tribes [including the Mi'kmaq], who were largely non-agricultural.  The culture of the St. Lawrence or Canadian Iroquois was unusual in another respect, however.  Situated as they were along the banks of the St. Lawrence River, at the very northern limit of maize agriculture, the Canadian Iroquois seem to have been strongly oriented, especially in the sections of their range, to the river and to the sea."  Trudel, "Cartier," 1:166, calls them "Laurentian Iroquois." 

02i.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 136; Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:275; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:166.  See also Hoffman, pp. 133, 137, 173, 180, 209; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier."     

Donnacona's name is variously spelled Donacona & Donnaconna.  Taignoagny's name also is rendered Taignoagni, & Domagaya, Dom Agaya.  Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 113, insists that Cartier "treated the Indians [at Gaspé] brutally, kidnapped several, and took them captive to France."  Other sources, cited above, disagree. 

Hoffman, pp. 201-02, says that, after Cartier's voyages to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the regional fur trade moved from the dry-fishing areas of the Atlantic coast of Labrador, Newfoundland, & Cape Breton Island into the inhabited regions of the gulf, which would have led to more contact with the Mi'kmaq. 

02j.  Quotations from Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:168; Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:276; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 141-42, 173.  See also Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 113; Hoffman, p. 183; Trudel, Canada's Forgotten Slaves, 20; Trudel, "Donnacona," 1:276; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier."   

Hoffman, p. 183, using a Spanish source, insists that Cartier and his men considered their second voyage to be a failure. 

Hoffman, p. 187, citing Richard Hakluyt, details an English venture to Cape Breton Island in 1536, about the time that Cartier returned from his second voyage.  The Englishmen, 120 in number, led by Richard Hore, a leather-seller from London & "a man of goodly stature and of great courage" & including "divers gentlemen" on a "voyage of discoverie," sailed in 2 ships, the Trinity & the William of London (also called the Minion).  They landed at Cape Breton before sailing north to Newfoundland, "which they were unable to leave because of inadequate supplies.  After starvation had reduced them to cannibalism, the explorers succeeded in capturing a French fishing boat carrying supplies, and returned to England."  In truth, Hoffman insists on p. 188, using primary sources discovered by early 20th-century scholars, the Hore voyage was a fishing expedition to the Grand Banks of Newfoundland, not a "voyage of discoverie."  If there were "divers gentlemen" aboard, they were essentially "tourists."  Moreover, Hore's vessels, having left in Apr 1536, returned to England in Sep & Oct.  This would place the Hore ships off of Newfoundland about the time that Cartier, returning from Canada, reached Cape Race, stopped at Renewse Harbor, & then headed back to St.-Malo. 

02k.  Quotations from Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:276; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 156; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:168-69; R. La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval, Jean-François de," in DCB, 1:423, & online.  See also Hoffman, pp. 142-45, 183; La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," 1:422, 424; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier," "Jean François Roberval."  

The 10 Iroquois who Cartier took with him to France included Donnacona & his 2 sons, who Cartier had seized at Stadacona, plus "a little girl of ten or 12 years of age, and two little boys whom Cartier had received as gifts the preceding autumn, a little girl of eight or nine years of age whom the chief of Achelacy had given him, and three other Indians."  Only 1 of the little girls survived their time in France.  Quotation from Trudel, "Donnacona," 1:276; see also Trudel, "Cartier," 168.  Trudel, "Donnacona," 1:275, says that the chief died probably in 1539.  Hoffman, p. 156, says that the contemporary author, André Thevet, called the chief Donacona Aguanna & reported that "This man died in France as a good Christian, speaking French, for he had lived there four years....," which would make his death in c1540, the year before Cartier returned to Canada.  Thevet's statement also implies that Donnacona was 1 of the 3 unnamed Iroquois men who were baptized in France.  The dates of the other Indians' deaths evidently are unrecorded, as is the fate of the Iroquois girl who was still alive in 1541.  For the Iroquois captives' contributions to Cartier's Relations, the collective accounts of his voyages printed in France, see Hoffman, pp. 156-60, 217-27, the latter pages a detailed appendix of St. Lawrence Iroquois words & phrases gleaned from Cartier's first & second voyages.  For the Relations' many editions, see Hoffman, pp. 237-38. 

02l.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 145, 147; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:169; Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:276.  See also Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 113-14; Hoffman, pp. 144, 146, 183-85, 201. 

Online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier," says that on 7 Sep 1541, "Cartier left with the longboats for a reconnaissance in search of 'Saguenay'" & then reached Hochelaga.  This makes no sense.  Cartier knew from his second voyage that Saguenay lay downriver from Stadacona, not on the way up to Hochelaga.  The exploration of Saguenay was conducted by men under Roberval, not Cartier, in 1542 or 1543.  See note 02n, below. 

02m.  Parkman, France & England, 1:145ff, a classic but sometimes "dated" study, gives a detailed account of the ventures of Verrazano, Cartier, & Roberval, as understood in the late 1860s & 1870s.  For recent evaluations of Cartier's voyages & the lessons learned from them, see Eccles, Canadian Frontier, 12ff; Hoffman, pp. 148ff; Ross & Deveau, The Acadians of Nova Scotia, 6; Taylor, A., American Colonies, 92; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:171.  Hoffman, pp. 161-67, 217-27, analyzes the cartographical & linguistic legacy of Cartier's ventures.  For an un-translated copy of Roberval's instructions from the French court, dated 1540, see Jerry A. Micelle, "From Law Court to Local Government Metamorphosis of the Superior Council of French Louisiana," p. 422n32, in Conrad, ed., The French Experience in LA.  Allain, "Not Worth a Straw," 2-3, provides a summation of François I's ideas of legitimate territorial claim & mentions the Roberval effort.  See also online Wikipedia, "Francis I of France." 

While reviewing the role of convicts in Roberval's expedition, La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," in DCB, 1:425, offers an interesting conclusion:  "This Pierre Ronsard, born about 1480, was approximately 60 years old when Roberval obtained his release from prison.  The master of mint at Bourges, he had been condemned for falsification and for 'altering coins.'  But he was a technician, and Roberval needed him, in view of the fact, says the royal  letter of 31 March 1541' that the said Ronsard might render great service to the said La Roque on the voyage to be made by him to the territories across the sea.'  This indicates that Roberval's objective in going to Canada was above all to discover precious metals.  It may have been Ronsard who 'asssayed' the stones gathered in the Saguenay district and who declared them to be gold.  And thus, writes R. Marichal [a Roberval biographer],  Ronsard might be the person really responsible for the tremendous disillusionment which was to put a halt to colonization in Canada for half a century." 

Hoffman, p. 184, cites a Spanish account which says that Roberval returned to Canada in the late 1540s &, with one of his brothers, perished there in 1549.  In truth, neither Roberval nor Cartier returned to Canada after 1543.  Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 114, says that Cartier died of the plague in 1547 & Roberval was "killed in the wars of religion."  For the actual circumstances of Roberval's death, in 1560, see note 03, below. 

Hoffman, pp. 151-55, analyzes the influence of Cartier's voyages on the Renaissance writer François Rabelais, whose Gargantua and Pantagruel, published from the early 1530s into the 1550s, is one of the classics of French literature.  Hoffman dismisses the theory that Rabelais himself wrote part of Cartier's Relations.

Hoffman, p. 188, offers this perspective on the interlude following Cartier's voyages:  "Once again silence falls upon European activity in the area [of the northern seas], much as happened during the interval between Sebastian Cabot's voyage and those by Gomez and Verrazano.  The commercial ventures of fishermen and traders undoubtedly multiplies and expanded.  Nevertheless they have remained most obscure, either because they were deemed of little account and not worthy of record, and the records have been destroyed, or because scholars have lacked interest in this later period." 

For the cartographic legacy of Cartier's voyages, see Hoffman, pp. 188-96.  For Samuel de Champlain's critique of Cartier's failure, emphasizing the earlier explorer's treatment of the natives, see Fischer, pp. 114-15. 

02n.  Quotations from La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," in DCB, 1:423-24; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 147.  See also Gustave Lanctot, "Fonteneau, Jean," in DCB, 1:309, & online; La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," 1:425; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier," "Jean François Roberval."  

02o.  Quotations from Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:275; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:167; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 140-41, 210.  See also Hoffman, pp. 150, 175; online Wikipedia, "St. Lawrence Iroquoians." 

Hoffman, pp. 181-82, following a Spanish text, describes in detail the Laurentian Iroquois' ruse at Stadacona on Sep 18 to prevent Cartier & his men from going up to Hochelaga.  Hoffman, pp. 182-83, details several encounters with natives on the voyage upriver.  For the names of the Iroquois towns along the St. Lawrence, see Hoffman, p. 209, Fig. 58. 

Amazingly, archaeologists have not settled on the exact location of Cartier's Hochelaga.  See online Wikipedia, "St. Lawrence Iroquoians." 

Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 113, implies that Cartier & his men, on their 1535 venture, wintered at Hochalaga.  Other sources, cited above, disagree.  Fischer, p. 295, points out that it was Champlain who, in 1612, first placed Cartier's name for today's Montréal on a published map.  Fischer, pp. 295-96, quoting Champlain, offers a striking description of the St. Lawrence rapids below Montréal at present-day Lachine. 

02p.  Quotations from Trudel, "Donnacona," in DCB, 1:275; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 141; Trudel, "Cartier," in DCB, 1:168.  See also Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 113; Hoffman, pp. 156-60, 175, 178, 209-10; Trudel, "Cartier," 1:167; Trudel, "Donnacona," 1:276; online Wikipedia, "St. Lawrence Iroquoians." 

Online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier," speculates that annedda probably was arbor vitae.  Trudel, & online Wikipedia, "St. Lawrence Iroquoians," say it was derived from the white cedar. 

02q.  Quotations from Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 131; Marcel Trudel, "Cartier, Jacques," in DCB, 1:165, & online.  See also Clark, A. H., Acadia, 7-8, 74; Erskine, Nova Scotia, 6; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 112ff; Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadia, 3; Hoffman, pp. 112-14, 133; Ross & Deveau, The Acadians of Nova Scotia, 3-4, 6; online Wikipedia, "Jacques Cartier." 

Hoffman, pp. 113-14, makes a case, first broached by Jesuit Fr. Pierre Biard in 1614, that Cartier sailed to Newfoundland in 1524, the year of Verrazano's first expedition.  Trudel, "Cartier," 1:165, citing the historian Lanctot, who uses Fr. Biard's account & other speculations as evidence that Cartier was part of Verrazano's expedition, debunks the claim but concedes that Cartier's accounts reveal a knowledge of Brazil as well as the coast of Newfoundland, which he could have explored on ventures other than Verrazano's. 

Predictably, the Iberian powers protested the Cartier voyages as a second violation by France of the half-century-old Treaty of Tordesillas, which a papal representative had helped negotiate in Spain in 1494.  See Hoffman, p. 131; note 02a, above. 

02r.  See Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 137-38, 150-51; Trudel, "Cartier," 1:166-67. 

Trudel, "Cartier," 1:167, & "Donnacona," 1:275, says that Domagaya & Taignoagny were not baptized during their 8-month-long stay in France after Cartier's first voyage. 

Ships names are from Trudel, "Cartier," 1:167, not Hoffman, p. 138.

02s.  Quotation from La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," 1:424.  See also Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 146, 184-86; La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," 1:423, 425. 

After slipping away from Roberval  & producing what was nothing more than quartz crystals & iron pyrites, Cartier was denied command of the relief force sent to Roberval in 1543, nor was he entrusted with command of another voyage to America.  He "retired" to his estate, Limoilou, near St.-Malo, & died in Sep 1557, age 66.  His wife Catherine, daughter of Jacques Des Granches, chevalier de roi & constable of St.-Malo, survived him by 18 years.  He had married her in the spring of 1520, years before his voyages to Canada.  They had no children.  See La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," 1:424; Trudel, "Cartier," 1:165, 170. 

An interesting episode in this third French venture to Canada was the fate of Marguerite de La Roque, a kinswoman of Roberval, probably a cousin.  As co-seigneuress of Ponpoint in Picardy with Roberval, she coaxed him into allowing her to accompany his expedition to Canada.  She was young and unmarried when Robeval's fleet left France in April 1542.  During the voyage, however, the high-spirited Marguerite became the lover of a young nobleman serving aboard one of her cousin's vessels.  Either out of Calvinist righteousness or, more likely, from a desire to inherit his cousin's estates, Roberval marooned Marguerite, her maidservant, and her lover on the Île de Démons inside the Gulf of St. Lawrence off the southern coast of Labrador; later called the Îles de la Demoiselle, the Isle of Demons may be today's Hospital Island, also called Harrington Island, where "Marguerite's Cave" is a local tourist attraction.  Marguerite gave birth on the desolate island, but the child, its father, and the hapless maidservant died, leaving Marguerite to fend for herself.  She survived by shooting wild animals with the firearm her cousin allowed her to keep.  A few years later, Basque fishermen found her on the island and returned her to France.  There, her story became a sensation and was recounted by the Queen of Navarre in a posthumously published romance.  Marguerite became a school mistress and lived in the Chateau de la Mothe near Norton in Périgord.  There is no record that she sought legal redress against her powerful cousin, who died at Paris in 1560, murdered by an anti-Protestant mob.  Despite her celebrity, the date and place of Marguerite's death remains unknown.  Evidently she remained unmarried.  See R. La Roque de Roquebrune, "La Roque, Marguerite, de," in DCB, 1:424, & online; online Wikipedia, "Marguerite de la Roque," "Harrington Island." 

02t.  Quotations from Lanctot, "Fonteneau," in DCB, 1:309.  See also Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 168-71. 

Hoffman, p. 184, cites a Spanish account  of Alfonse's voyage which says that, after the pilot failed to find the passage to Asia, "he returned to the Canada River fort and told Cartier what he had seen."  The problem with this scenario is that Cartier was nowhere near the St. Lawrence River when Alfonse completed his voyage. 

Hoffman, p. 213, calls Alfonse "the discoverer (or the first describer) of that part of the Atlantic between Labrador and Greenland, and the first to recognize that Greenland and Labrador were not continuous.  Earlier cartographical representations of a separate Greenland and a separate Newfoundland-Labrador (such as the Cantino and the Kunstmann No. 3 [maps, dated 1502 & c1504, respectively], do not seem to have so much the result of actual exploration as of cartographical coincidence and theorizing.  It is, of course, not known how far Jean Alphonse succeeded in penetrating towards Davis Strait (lying between Baffin Island and Greenland), but he did seem to penetrate far enough to determine that this sea, lying between the mainland and Greenland, was the source of the icebergs and floe ice running southward past Newfoundland."  Cartographically, then, Alfonse's voyage of 1542-43 was an important one despite its failure to find the passage to Asia. 

Alfonse, serving as a privateer for France, was mortally wounded in a battle with the Spanish & Portuguese in 1544, the year after he returned from his Arctic adventure.  He died at age 60.  See Hoffman, p. 168; Lanctot, 1:310.   

02u.  See William F. M. Morley, "Verrazzano ("Janus Verrazanus"), Giovanni da," in DCB, 1:657-60, & online; online Wikipedia, "Giovanni de Verrazzano." 

Verrazzano's name also is spelled Verrazzano. 

Morley, "Verrazzano," 1:658, questions the Florentine's presence on Aubert's 1508 to Labrador & Newfoundland.   

02v.  See Faulkner & Faulkner, The French at Pentagoet, 14; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 112, 114-17, 122-30. 

One must remember that in the 33 years since 1492, Columbus had stumbled upon a New World, explored the Caribbean basin in 3 more voyages, & established settlements on Hispaniola & Cuba, the beginnings of New Spain; Vespucci had explored the coast of South America & proclaimed the existence of a mundus novus; Balboa had crossed the isthmus of Panama & "discovered" the South Sea; Ponce de Léon "discovered" Florida, explored its southern coasts, & encountered the Gulf Stream in the process; Cortes had conquered Mexico; & Magellan's expedition had circumnavigated the globe.  Compared to all of this, the results of Gomez's voyage must have seemed relatively insignificant to authorities back in Spain, though, as Hoffman, pp. 122-30, shows, the Spanish cartographers evidently were delighted by the new information about the North American coast.  Also, Estevan Gômez's voyage may have informed de Ayllón of the nature of the North American coast on the eve of his settlement venture.  Hoffman, p. 115, Fig. 34, entitled "Gomez's voyage to the New World in 1525, as reconstructed by Ganong...," depicts the Gômez voyage, which sailed a year before de Ayllón left Hispaniola for Chicora.  See Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 671-72n29, for a dark depiction of Estevan Gômez's brutal character.  The head of navigation of the Penobscot is present-day Bangor, ME. 

03.  Quotations from Roberts, Europe, 230-31; Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 4-5.  See also Eccles, Canadian Frontier, 17; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 50ff; Parkman, France & England, 1:175; Ross & Deveau, The Acadians of Nova Scotia, 6; online Wikipedia, "French Wars of Religion." 

One of the earliest Protestant martyrs in France was Jean-François de la Rocque, sieur de Roberval, who died at Paris in 1560, a victim of an anti-Protestant mob.  Roberval, in fact, was an early French convert to Calvinism, having converted in 1535, the year after Calvin fled to Switzerland.  See La Rocque de Roquebrune, "La Rocque de Roberval," in DCB, 1:425; online Wikipedia, "Jean François Roberval." 

It was of course the Edict of Nantes of 13 Apr 1598 that gave the Huguenots these guarantees.  See Fischer, p. 67. 

03a.  Quotations from Johnson, American People, 10; online Wikipedia, "France Antarctique."  See also Eccles, Canadian Frontier, 18; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 112-13, 173; Parkman, France & England, 1:33ff; Pendery, ed., Saint Croix Island, 4. 

Villegagnon's almoner, or chaplain, on the 1555 voyage was missioner André Thevet, who had spent time in Asia & later became an important French writer.  See Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 171-79, especially p. 172. 

The Portuguese claim to Brazil went as far back as the Treaty of Tordisillas of 1494 & Cabral's voyage of 1500.  See note 01, above. 

04.  Quotation from Allain,"Not Worth a Straw," 3.  See also Clark, A. H., Acadia, 78n6; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 50-54, 112-13, 115, 166-67, 249; Johnson, American People, 10; Pendery, ed., Saint Croix Island, 4. 

Allain offers a broad view of Coligny's efforts in the context of French colonial policy, quoting another scholar as saying that Coligny "conceived of colonization as a tool of foreign policy," as "a factor in geopolitics."  She also says, pp. 3-4, that Queen Catherine de Medici's "fear of Iberian reprisals" was one of the reasons for the Massacre of 1572.  "Certainly Spaniards and Portuguese celebrated the demise of the admiral with a grandiose Te Deum." 

Fischer, p. 249, identifies the officer murdered at Charlesfort as one La Pierria. 

Taylor, A., American Colonies, 76-77, 92, offers a concise, more recent interpretation of Menéndez's actions in FL & their result.  

Unlike Ribaut, Laudonnière managed to elude the Spanish swords & return to France, where he wrote a stirring account of the fate of Fort Caroline & its inhabitants.  In 1568, a French expedition under Dominique de Gourgues attacked Fort Caroline, renamed Fort San Mateo, & killed most of the Spanish garrison in revenge for Menéndez's slaughter of Ribaut & the Huguenot settlers.  Gourgues, however, did not re-establish a French settlement in Florida; he was there only for vengeance; nor was he able to get his hands on Menéndez, who was in Spain at the time.  See Parkman, 1:124ff.

Samuel Wilson, Jr., "Colonial Fortifications and Military Architecture in the Mississippi Valley," p. 379, in Conrad, ed., The French Experience in LA, describes Fort Caroline as "a triangular timber structure with bastions and a symmetrical arrangements of buildings within."

04a.  Quotation from Johnson, American People, 10. 

Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 70, avers that Prince Henri de Béarn and Navarre, the future King Henri IV (1589-1610), had been interested in French colonization in South America as early as the 1570s, when he was only in his 20s.  Fischer says that in Aug 1588, the year of the Armada, Henri corresponded with "his 'most affectionate and best friend'" Sir Francis Drake, a fellow Protestant, "about opportunities in the new world." 

05.  Quotations from Trudel, "Champlain," in DCB, 1:188; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 140.  See also Fischer, pp. 138-41, 260, 575. 

"Sarcel, De (Du) Prévert, Jean," in DCB, 1:601-02, & online, says the St.-Malo merchant, who, before 1604, was involved in the St. Lawrence fur trade as far up as Île d'Orléans, "reconnoitered the Acadian coast as far as the Saint John River, and brought back to Champlain specimens taken from two mines."  Fischer, p. 126, places Sarcel de Prévert & his unnamed vessel in de Chaste's expedition of 1603.  Fischer, p. 141 adds that in Jul, at Gaspé, Sarcel de Prévert communicated directly with Gravé & Champlain about what he had found in Acadia.  See also Fischer, p. 205; notes 05d, above, & 09, below.

Trudel has Champlain going "up the Richelieu as far as the Saint-Ours Rapids," but Fischer, p. 140, has him going only as far as the mouth of the river, where his Indian companions informed him of what lay to the south.  Fischer, p. 261, says Champlain wrote of his venture up the River of the Iroquois in early Jul 1609 to do battle with the Mohawk:  "'No Christians but ourselves had ever penetrated this place,'" implying that this was his first visit to that part of the river.  Fischer then adds that when Champlain sailed his chaloupe thru today's Chambly's Basin, he "was surprised to meet rapids that the shallop could not pass," something he would have known if he had explored that far upriver 6 years before. 

05a.  Quotations from Ross & Deveau, The Acadians of Nova Scotia, 7; David B. Quinn, "Bellenger, Étienne (Stephen Bellinger)," in DCB, 1:87-88, & online.  See also Hodson, Acadian Diaspora, 21; online Wikipedia, "French Wars of Religion"; notes 02m, above, & 139, below. 

For descriptions of the fishing & fur trading operations in the St. Lawrence region & along the Nova Scotia shore, & their significance to the history of Acadia, see Clark, A. H., Acadia, 7-9, 22-24, 74-75, 78n6, 88; Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 5; Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 3, 28-30; Ross & Deveau, pp. 4-6.  Mathé Allain, in her essay "Colbert's Colony Crumbles," in Conrad, ed., The French Experience in Louisiana, 32, says, aptly, that the Canadian fur trade was "Born of the fishing industry."  See also Taylor, A., American Colonies, 94ff. 

Quinn, "Bellenger," 1:87, says that, in 1607, Champlain found on the bay "a very old cross, all covered with moss," likely one of Bellenger's markers from a quarter century before.  Spaniard Estevan Gomez had discovered the Penobscot, which he called the Deer River, in 1525; the French came to call it "R. de Gamas."  See note 02b, above; Quinn, "Bellenger," 1:88.  Bellenger's 4-month voyage to Acadia enhanced the cartographic image of that part of New France almost immediately.  Not long after his exploration, Bellenger personally gave information to English minister-diplomat-scholar Richard Hakluyt at Bellenger's house "in the rue des Augustines, next to the sign of the Golden Tile (Huille deor, i.e., Tuille d'Or)" in Rouen, & the Englishman diligently recorded all that he learned from the intrepid merchant.  Yet, Bellenger's biographer contends, "He made a valuable contribution to the knowledge of the coastline between Cape Breton and Maine even though it was not fully assimilated by his contemporaries."  Evidently Hakluyt was more interested in data that could help the English establish a settlement in "Virginia," south of New France, which resulted in the failed colonization of Roanoke Island in 1585.  See Quinn, "Bellenger," 1:88-89. 

According to Hakluyt, Bellenger was preparing to return to the Maritimes in another barque out of Honfleur--"solely a trading one it would appear"--by 1 Mar 1584, but he either did not go, or he did not return.  See Quinn, "Bellenger," 1:89.  For perspective on how relatively little was known of the coast south of Newfoundland in Bellenger's time, see Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 199; note 287, below. 

05b.  Quotations from Ross & Deveau, The Acadians of Nova Scotia, 7; Clark, A. H., Acadia, 78n6; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 116, 604-05.  See also Clark, A. H. p. 77; Fischer, pp. 112, 115; Quinn, "Bellenger," in DCB, 1:88; George MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts, Pierre," in DCB, 1:291, & online; note 02c, above. 

Quinn, "Bellenger," 1:89, says, following his evaluation of Étienne Bellenger's contribution to New French cartography:  "... Cardinal Bourbon's and the admiral's plans for the Maritimes were soon subordinated to a more ambitious expedition which was in preparation during 1584, sponsored by the Duc de Joyeuse, and which was to be under the command of Guillaume Le Héricy, with Jacques de Vaulx," a Bellenger acquaintance, "as chief pilot, ostensibly to coast the whole of eastern America from Brazil to Labrador.  It left in 1585 and eventually returned in 1587 but its North American relevance, if any, is not known."  "In 1586," 3 years after Bellenger's voyage, Fischer, p. 71, relates, "a captain from Dieppe, Jean Sauvage, went in search of a northwest passage" via the North Cape of Norway & Russian Archangel.  So the French remained active in their explorations of the northern regions even during the lengthy wars of religion (1562-98).  

Parkman, France & England, 1:175-78, says 11 of La Roche's convicts survived on Sable Island for 5 years before being rescued by the Norman pilot Chefdhôtel in Sep 1603, on the eve of de Mons's arrival in Acadia.  Fischer, p. 116, offers dates that place the men on the island for only 4 years, from 1599-1603.  Fischer, p. 675n23, avers that a cousin of Jean de Biencourt, sieur de Poutrincourt et de Saint-Just, future lieutenant-governor of Port-Royal, "married into a Spanish Basque family and attempted to found a colony in America.  After it failed he put his animals on Sable Island, where their offspring remained for centuries," but Fischer does not name the cousin.   

05c.  Quotation from online Wikipedia, "Tadoussac."   See also Eccles, Canadian Frontier, 20; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 39-40, 116-17, 121, 124-25, 129-31, 135-37, 601, 605; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 202-11, 214; MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," in DCB, 1:291; MacDonald, Fortune & La Tour, 2-3; William F. E. Morley, "Chauvin de Tonnetuit, Pierre de," in DCB, 1:209-10, & online; Parkman, France & England, 1:179ff; Marcel Trudel, "Gravé Du Pont (also called Dupont-Gravé, Gravé Le Pont, Pont-Gravé, or simply Le Pont or Gravé), François," in DCB, 1:345, & online; online Wikipedia, "St. Lawrence Iroquoians"; notes 02, 02n, & 05, above. 

Fischer, pp. 47-60, offers a biography of Henri IV in the context of the wars of religion & the era of peace, if not prosperity, that accompanied his 21-year reign.  Fischer, pp. 71-72, summarizes Henri's ideal for French settlement in New France, including the place of seigneuries & trade monopolies, & explains the opposition of colonization schemes, especially in North America, by the duc de Sully & other ministers in Henri's court.  See also Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 27, 473n2.  Fischer, pp. 71, 119, 233, repeats the accusation of Sully's taking bribes from powerful Dutch merchants to limit French presence in North America. 

Champlain, in studying Chauvin's venture while stationed in the Louvre at Paris, noted that the proprietor, a devout Huguenot, insisted on allowing only Calvinist ministers to accompany his expedition although most of his men were Catholics.  This, along with the choice of a disagreeable settlement site & a dearth of supplies there, Champlain believed, doomed the venture.  Only 5 of the 16 unfortunate settlers Chauvin left at Tadoussac over the winter were still alive come spring, & were it not for the aid of local Montagnais, all of them likely would have perished.  See Fischer, p. 117.  Fischer, p. 131, offers Champlain's sketch of Tadoussac harbor, drawn in the spring of 1603, which includes an illustration of Chauvin's "manor house" on the east side of the harbor, the ruins of which Champlain observed 3 years after its abandonment.  The only success Champlain attributed to Chauvin's venture was the willing transportation of 2 young Montagnais to France who miraculously survived old world illnesses, studied the French language & culture, & returned to their homeland in 1603 with Gravé & Champlain.  See Fischer, pp. 117, 126; note 05, above. 

For the descriptions of the astonishing depth & the scenic wonder of the lower Saguenay above Tadoussac, frequented today by full-sized cruise ships, see Fischer, pp. 136-37. 

According to Fischer, p. 605:  "Champlain believed that Chauvin's proposal [of transporting 50 colonists to New France each year] was a fraud, and that he had no interest in colonization."  His leaving only 16 men at Tadoussac was proof enough of that. 

05d.  Quotations from Marcel Trudel, "Champlain, Samuel de," in DCB, 1:188, & online.  See also Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 121-38, 575, 605; Erskine, Nova Scotia, 7; Fischer, pp. 121-38; Trudel, "Gravé du Pont, François," in DCB, 1:346. 

Allain, "Not Worth a Straw," 8, offers a review of Henri IV's use of commercial companies.  She points out that the de Chaste venture was the first of 75 commercial companies established by French monarchs between 1599 & 1789.  For Henri IV's imperial policy viz. the Caribbean basin & North America, focusing on the so-called "lines of amity," see Fischer, pp. 68-70, who avers, on pp. 69-70:  "Henri IV went further and warned Spanish rulers that he did not accept their hegemony in the new world....  Immediately after the Peace of Vervins [signed with Spain & other foreign powers in May 1598, a month after the Edict of Nantes], Henri IV also made clear to other rulers that he meant to exercise sovereignty in the region of North America that was widely recognized as New France on European globes.  The French claimed their title by right of discovery in the voyages of Jacques Cartier and others." 

According to Fischer, pp. 121-22, de Chaste's monopoly extended from 40 degrees north latitude (Philadelphia) to 46 degrees north latitude (Cape Breton) but did not include the fisheries.  His investors were so fearful of losing money in the venture that de Chaste's insurance rate was an astonishing 35 percent.  See Fischer, p. 126. 

Fischer, p. 124, says the Bonne-Renommée was "a small storm-beaten navire," a generic French term for a ship, says on p. 126 that its burden was 120-150 tons, & on p. 158 reduces it to 120 tons.  Yet, on p. 620, he places the navire in the category of large, full-rigged ships of from 350-1,000 tons burden, also called "a round ship," "powered only by sails." Ganong, Champlain's Island, 20, hints that the Bonne-Renommée was rated at 150 tons burden, which would have made it a small navire indeed.  See also note 06b, below.  Fischer, p. 127, adds the interesting detail that the Bonne-Renommée in 1603 carried a middling-sized vessel that Champlain called a moyenne barque.  They also brought along "open-hulled shallops of five or seven tons, which would be useful for exploring and making charts," that "were prefabricated in sections for assembly in America."  Fischer, pp. 127-29, citing Champlain's work, details the voyage from Honfleur to Tadoussac across "the great western ocean."   

For a relative lack of knowledge of the North Atlantic coast south of Newfoundland compared to what was known of Newfoundland & the Gulf of St. Lawrence region in Champlain's time, see Hoffman, p. 199; note 287, below. 

The 2 young Montagnais were "princes" of their nation who volunteered to accompany Gravé back to France in 1602.  See Fischer, pp. 126, 496.  The gathering at Tadoussac was Champlain's first encounter with the natives of New France, beyond the 2 young Montagnais who sailed with him on Gravé's ship from Honfleur.  See Fischer, pp. 129-34.  It was here, Fischer says on p. 134, that the French, represented by Gravé & Champlain, & the Indians of New France, "began to build a relationship that would be one of the longest and strongest on record between Europeans and Native Americans."  On the same page, Fischer adds:  "It [the Great Tabagie at Tadoussac in the spring of 1603] marked the beginning of a relationship that was unique in the long history of European colonization in America.  Something of its spirit has endured in Canada between Europeans and Indians even to our own time--an extraordinary achievement."  See also Trudel, "Champlain," 1:188.  The Montagnais today call themselves the Innu.  See Fischer, p. 609. 

Fischer, p. 138, contradicts Trudel, "Champlain," 1:188, as to the date the English discovered Hudson Bay.  Trudel implies that it did not occur until c1610, during Henry Hudson's fourth, final, fatal voyage, but Fischer insists that in 1603 "The English had already been there, searching for a route to China," hinting that Champlain's prediction of the great bay's existence--he called it "some gulf of this our (Atlantic) sea"--came from prior knowledge.  Trudel, however, has the facts right here.  See Historical Atlas of Canada, 1: plate 19; note 18b, below. 

In 1603, in his early 30s, Champlain, still a bachelor, was a man of means as well as substance.  Beginning in the summer of 1601, soon after he inherited a fortune in land & assets from an admiring uncle who lived in Spain, Champlain received a pension of 600 livres a year from King Henri IV, as compensation for a 2-year espionage mission in Spain & Spanish America & for work on the King's behalf thereafter.  See Fischer, chap. 5, especially p. 100.  After his sojourn in Old & New Spain, Champlain spent a year at the Louvre, serving the King as one of many geographers, & it was then that Champlain's attention turned to North America.  During this time, he also visited many French ports & gathered information from fishermen, whalers, & explorers who had spent time in New France.  See Fischer, chap. 6.  The same biographer speculates on the possibility that Champlain could have been an illegitimate son of King Henri IV but seems to conclude that this was only a rumor.  See Fischer, chap. 3.  Trudel, "Champlain," 1:188, insists that Champlain, on his first visit to North America, held no kind of official capacity, remarking that "He sailed in 1603 as a mere observer, and his presence on this voyage would have passed unnoticed had he not published his account...."  Trudel then details Champlain's accomplishments on this voyage!  Fischer, cited above, puts the geographer closer to the center of things in 1603. 

05e.  See Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 141-42, 148, 575. 

Fischer, p. 605, says that Gravé's expedition & de Chaste's monopoly "turned a profit that has been estimated at 40 per cent of its capital," a successful venture indeed. 

Fischer, p. 141, says that Gravé & Champlain returned to La Havre after a 15-day crossing via the Grand Bank, but on p. 575, a chronology of Champlain's voyage, Fischer says they returned to Honfleur. 

05f.  See Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 23, 57, 144-45; Trudel, "Champlain," in DCB, 1:188. 

Neither Trudel nor Fischer mention the presence of a Catholic priest or a Protestant minister on Gravé's 1603 expedition.  Perhaps missionaries were to accompany the next phase of the enterprise--actual settlement. 

06.  Quotations from Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 152; Parkman, France & England, 1:184.  See also Clark, A. H., Acadia, 71-72; Erskine, Nova Scotia, 7; Fischer, pp. 70, 148-50, 152-54, 157-58, 601-02; Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 3-5; MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," in DCB, 1:291-92.   

MacBeath, 1:291, says that the sieur was "a Calvinist" who "distinguished himself fighting in the cause of Henri IV during the religious wars in France," for which the King awarded him "an annual pension of 1,200 crowns and the governorship of the town of Pons in Saintonge," & that his title from the King was "lieutenant-general 'of the coasts, lands and confines of Acadia, Canada and other places in New France.'"  Morley, "Chauvin de Tonnetuit," in DCB, 1:209, says that, in 1588, de Mons "occupied" the important garrison at Honfleur.  Fischer, pp. 38-41, 148-49, 601-02, offers short biographies of de Mons, emphasizing his Saintonge origins, his fate at the hands of historians, & the similarities in his character with fellow Saintongeois Samuel Champlain.  For a discussion of its sundry forms & the evolution of de Mons's name in Acadian historiography, see Fischer, pp. 38-39, 643n11; Rudin, Remembering & Forgetting in Acadie, 18, 281n3.  Fischer, p. 39, says:  "The title 'de Mons' came from a hill that rose above the town of Royan.  The crest of the hill, overlooking the River Gironde, was the seat of the family's château," built by de Mons's grandfather. Most scholars call Pierre Dugua de Monts or de Mons or some other variation of that name, but Rudin prefers the family name Dugua.  Griffiths, p. 4, spells his family name Du Gua but calls him de Monts.  Parkman, 1:184, spells his family name du Guast.  The spelling preferred by current scholars seems to be de Mons, also preferred by the National Park Service & Parks Canada, protectors & interpreters of de Mons's settlement on Île Ste.-Croix/Saint Croix Island, ME.  Fischer, p. 38, distinguishes between the nom de famille, Dugua, & the various noms de terre:  De Mons, De Monts, De Montz, "or simply Montz (his favorite)," & on p. 643n11, avers:  "It might be noted that Pierre Dugua, sieur de Mons, signed himself either Pierredugua, or Dugua, or Monts, or Mons, but not de Mons or de Monts." 

Eccles, Canadian Frontier, 20, says that de Mons's title from the King was "Vice-admiral and Lieutenant General of New France."  Griffiths, p. 4, calls de Mons "viceroy and captain-general."  Griffiths, pp. 6-7, 467n5, adds that de Mons's commission "as lieutenant general of Acadia" was dated 29 Jan 1605, but that his "patent" from the king was dated 8 Nov 1603, certified in Feb 1604, & that de Mons created his trading company on 10 Feb 1604.  MacBeath, 1:292, repeats the 10 Feb 1604 date for the creation of de Mons's trading company, says that he was "appointed lieutenant-general 'of the coasts, lands and confines of Acadia, Canada and other places in New France," & mentions the requirement to establish at least 60 colonists there, as well as to convert the the Indians "to the Christian faith."  Fischer, pp. 152, 154, details the negotiations in early Nov between de Mons & King Henri over a new title--de Mons preferred to be "viceroy" of Acadia, but the King refused to grant such a vaunted title to someone who was not "prince of the blood"--& over the lines of communication between de Mons & the King.  De Mons wanted to report directly to the King's Council, on which some of his supporters sat, but the King insisted that de Mons report all legal questions to "the financial center of Rouen," where some of de Mons's detractors held sway.  The Parlement of Rouen, in fact, "refused even to register the Royal grant."  See also Fischer, pp. 601-02.  For the predictable consequences of the King's decision, see note 11a, below.  For a facsimile copy of de Mons's grant, dated 18 Dec 1603, see Fischer, p. 153.  Fischer, pp. 152-53, gives the dates of de Mons's commissions, used here. 

Parkman, 1:184, following the French notion of the extent of La Cadie in 1603, describes it as running "from Philadelphia to beyond Montreal." the same area granted to de Chaste in 1603.  See note 05d, above. 

06a.  See Clark, A. H., Acadia, 8-9, 77-78; Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 150, 152-54, 601-02, 606; Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 4-5, 31; Parkman, France & England, 1:1071, 2:928-29; Ganong, Champlain's Island, 20; MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," in DCB, 1:291-92; Trudel, "Champlain," in DCB, 1:188; note 05c, above.

Taylor, A., American Colonies, 92ff, gives a recent analysis of the historical debate over the nature of the Canadian fur trade & its place in the French settlement of North America.  It includes the role of Tadoussac in the trade.  Griffiths, p. 5, says that de Mons had "crossed the Atlantic once or twice before" & had been part of Chauvin de Tonnetuit's expedition to Tadoussac in 1600.  MacBeath, 1:291, says only that "De Monts seems to have made several voyages to Canada during the closing years of the 16th century, one as a member of Pierre Chauvin de Tonnetuit's expedition to Tadoussac in 1600," but does not claim that de Mons wintered on the St. Lawrence.  Fischer, p. 117, while detailing Champlain's critique of Chauvin's expedition, does not place de Mons among the 16 settlers Chauvin left at Tadoussac over the winter of 1600-01, only 5 of whom survived.  See note 05c, above.

Fischer, who places places Champlain in the middle of de Mons's lobbying at court for the de Chastes concession, says, on p. 150, that the geographer preferred to center de Mons's concession on the St. Lawrence above Québec, which he himself had surveyed the year before & with which he was much impressed, not farther south in La Cadie.  See also note 05, above. 

MacBeath, 1:292, says de Mons's company was formed "with capital of 90,000 livres."  See also Fischer, p. 154, for this figure,

Clark, A. H., pp. 9, 77, mentions a religious aspect to France's exploitation of the fur trade in what became New France.  See also Griffiths, p. 8. 

For Acadia's strategic value to New France, see Clark, A. H., p. 77. 

Fischer, pp. 602-04, points out that, of all the so-called viceroys of New France granted that title from 1604-35--de Mons, Soissons, Condé, Thémines, Montmorency, Ventadour, & Richelieu--only de Mons actually went there. 

06b.  Quotations from Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 157-58; MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," in DCB, 1:292; Ganong, Champlain's Island, 79, citing Champlain's narrative of 1613; Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian, 7.  See also Lucien Campeau, "Aubry, Nicolas," in DCB, 1:72, & online; Fischer, pp. 112-19, 154, 156, 159; David Hackett Fischer, "Saint Croix, Island of Discovery," ix, in Forward to Pendery, ed., Saint Croix Island; Ganong, pp. 20-21; Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, 203; MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," 1:291; George MacBeath, "Ralluau (Ralleau), Jean," in DCB, 1:564, & online; Milling, Exile Without End, 3; Parkman, France & England,1:180ff; Huia Ryder, "Biencourt de Poutrincourt, et de Saint-Just, Jean," in DCB, 1:96, & online; Marcel Trudel, "Angibault dit Champdoré, Pierre," in DCB, 1:64, & online; Trudel, "Champlain," in DCB, 1:186-89; Trudel, "Gravé du Pont, François," in DCB, 1:346; note 05, above. 

Griffiths, p. 468n21, says that the most cited contemporary accounts of the expedition are those of Champlain & Lescarbot.  She says, p. 5, that the years 1603-07 "were almost the only years in which Acadia was the most important focus of French colonization efforts in North America," perhaps because it was the only one during that time. 

Fischer p. 154, says that when the merchants of Brittany & Normandy demanded "full 'liberté de trafic du Canada,'" that is, the freedom to trade in Canada, the King responded "to the men of Rouen that the project for New France was vital to the 'advancement of Our Power and Authority,' and a monopoly of the fur trade was its necessary instrument."  Henri then informed "the merchants who claimed liberty of trade that they had full liberty to join the company of monsieur de Mons."  Many did so, including investors from Rouen, St.-Malo, La Rochelle, & St.-Jean-de-Luz.  Griffiths, p. 7, offers a list of cities from which the bankrolling merchants came.  She lists, on p. 7, several of the merchant-investors in de Mons's trading company, including Samuel Georges & Jean Macain of La Rochelle, & Corneille de Bellois of Rouen, the latter de Mons's keeper of accounts.  Fischer, p. 154, says that, upon learning of the duc de Sully's opposition to the use of  royal funds for the venture, de Mons "requested permission to take artisans to New France and also to recruit vagabonds and convicts."  One wonders what Champlain thought of this.  The King also approved de Mons's request to build "fortresses" on his concession.  Having no doubt read Sarcel de Prévert's report of his 1603 explorations in La Cadie, the King requested that de Mons search carefully for "mines and minerals," to which de Mons agreed.  "Sarcel, De (Du) Prévert," in DCB, 1:601-02, says that Sarcel de Prévert "seems to have played a part in the decision taken by Du Gua to establish settlements towards the south," & that he likely informed King Henri IV of his discoveries in Acadia, which included mines. 

The unnamed DCB author adds, 1:602:  "Prévert joined the first company of de Monts 19 Feb 1604 and withdrew from it in 1607," but does not say if the St.-Malo merchant went to Acadia with de Monts et al. in Mar 1604.  Probably not.  Pendery, ed., Saint Croix Island, Appendix A3, does not include him in de Mons's company.  Trudel, "Champlain," 1:189, says that, after de Mons et al. explored the Port-Royal basin, they "went to the end of the Baie Française [the Bay of Fundy] to look for Prévert's mines...."  MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," 1:292, says that, after leaving the Port-Royal basin, "The explorers continued up the bay, seeking both a site for their settlement and a valuable metal deposit Jean Sarcel de Prévert had reported the previous year to be in the area.  If Sarcel de Prévert had been with them, certainly he would have led them straight to the place where he found the minerals.  Was it at the entrance to the Bassin de Mines?  Again, the unnamed DCB author does not say. 

Arsenault, History, 10, says more than 120 men crossed with de Mons; Clark, A. H., Acadia, 78, says 79; Faragher, A Great & Noble Scheme, 2, says 75; Fischer, p. 156, citing Champlain's account, says "'about 120 workers'"; Ganong, p. 21, says "somewhat over 120"; Parkman, France & England, 1:189, & Historical Atlas of Canada, 1:48, say 79.  Evidently the original expedition contained 120 men & was reduced to 79 after Poutrincourt took the Don-de-Dieu back to France in Sep (Gravé's Bonne-Renommée & its contingent never went to Île Ste.-Croix in 1604 but only to Canso; see note 07b, below).  Fischer, pp. 156-57, lists the professions of de Mons's 120 workers, including 2 master miners from Slavonia, & says most of the sailors, not part of the count, returned to France with Gravé in late summer of 1604 but that 12 of them remained with the expedition to man the smaller vessels.  Campeau, "Aubry," 1:72, conflates Aubry & the other priest who had come along, known only to Champlain as le curé.  See Fischer, p. 157.  Names in de Mons's expedition found in Ganong include not only the principals such as de Mons, Champlain, & Gravé, but also Sieur d'Orville; Sieur Pierre Angibault dit Champdoré; Sieur Eustache Boulay, Boulé, or Boullé, Champlain's future brother-in-law & perhaps commander of the Swiss mercenaries; Sieur Genestou; Sieur Sourin; Sieur de Beaumont; Sieur la Motte Bourioli; & Sieur Fougery.  Griffiths, pp. 7-8, includes:  Jean Ralluau, de Mons's secretary; Sieur d'Orville; Sieur de Beaumont; Fougeray de Vitré; La Motte Bourgjoli; Nicholas Aubry, the young priest; Daniel Boyer, a tile maker; François Rocques, a roofer; & Robert Lescuyer, a mason.  Trudel, "Champlain," 1:189, & Fischer, p. 156, give Champdoré's full name.  See also Fischer, pp. 155-57; MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," 1:292.  Pendery, ed., Saint Croix Island, Appendix A3, pp. 269-75, offers details of the lives of a number of these characters & includes new names & their professions not found in Ganong & Griffiths:  François Adenain or Addenin, a skillful hunter & de Mons's body guard, perhaps assigned to that duty by the King himself; Henri Beaufort, an apothecary; Louis Conian, ship's pilot; Henri Couillard, ship's master; Artus Daniel, another of de Mons's domestics; Guillaume Du Glas (Duglas), ship's pilot; Timothée Le Barbier, ships's captain; Nicolas Morel, ship's master; Sieur de Sourin, an artisan; Pasque Symonneau, a Norman man-at-arms with de Mons; Maitre Simon, a master miner; & unnamed Swiss mercenaries housed in Building D on Île Ste.-Croix.  Fischer, pp. 156-57, 665n32, adds Anthoine Lemaire, a 19-year-old house plasterer; & the indispensable da Costa.  For more on François Addenin, who became a member of Champlain's Order of Good Cheer & would go to Canada with the geographer in 1608, see Fischer, pp. 155, 209-10, 217, 262, 685-86n28.  For more on Eustache Boullé, see Fischer, pp. 286-87.  None of these men established families in the colony.  That would not happen for another 30 years.  

Griffiths, p. 8, says "There were no women, but this does not reflect any attempt (such as the English were making in Newfoundland at much the same time) to exclude them.  The majority of those who sailed with de Monts considered the expedition just a stage in their lives, a view made explicit in the contracts they signed, which guaranteed them return passage to France."  Fischer, Champlain's Dream, 374, passes on the delightful observation that "In Acadia, Lescarbot [who came to the colony in 1606] wrote that the male settlers had told the Indians that the ladies of France wore beards and mustaches."  One can imagine, then, the Indians' shock when they first laid eyes on Europeans women, especially on the younger ones, but this would not occur for years. 

David Hackett Fischer, "Saint Croix, Island of Discovery," ix-x, in Forward to Pendery, ed., Saint Croix Island, after recounting the success of King Henri IV in bringing peace to a war-torn France after decades of religious conflict, offers this compelling portrait of Champlain & de Mons:  "These French leaders around Henri IV were humanists of a new breed, different from the classical humanism of the Italian Renaissance.  The sieur de Mons and Champlain were consumed with curiosity about the world and its inhabitants, and driven by a passion for discovery.  More than that, their struggle against intolerance in France persuaded them that all people shared a common humanity, and could learn to live in peace with one another.  They spoke not only about humanity itself, but also about treating others humanely, humainement, a French adverb that began to spread in their time...."

Champlain probably was born at Brouage, & de Mons at either Le Gua or Royan, only a few miles south of Brouage.  Evidently de Mons was 10 or 12 years older than Champlain, de Mons born between 1558-60, Champlain in the late 1560s.  See Fischer, chaps. 1-3, pp. 569-73; MacBeath, "Du Gua de Monts," 1:291.  Griffiths, p. 7, reminds us that Champlain also had sailed the Caribbean before going to Acadia.  For details on this brief but significant episode of Champlain's career, in 1599-1600, see Fischer, chap. 5, p. 574; Trudel, "Champlain," 1:187.  Rudin, Remembering & Forgetting in Acadie, 18, points out that Champlain was not a nobleman & claims that he added the "de" to his name later to give the impression that he was of the nobility.  Trudel, "Champlain," 1:186-99, which addresses the question of Champlain's "de" on 1:187, is a relatively detailed treatment of the explorer's life by a noted Canadian historian, but perhaps the most thorough biography in print today is Fischer, Champlain's Dream, which addresses the "de" question on pp. 45, 62, 571.  Fischer says the honorific was granted to Champlain in c1595, when he was in his 20s, as recognition of his good services in King Henri IV's army logistics corps.  Fischer, p. 155, points out that, as a King's pensioner, Champlain had to ask the King permission to accompany de Mons in 1604.  The King granted permission on the condition that his geographer "'should always make him a faithful report of everything I saw and discovered.'" 

Fischer, p. 39, says de Mons "was raised a Huguenot but married to a Catholi